Linking India with blockchain

This blog is part of a series on blockchain technology, governance and its implications for e-Governance in India. 

While presenting the Union Budget this year, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley made an important if not surprising mention on the government’s inclination to explore the potential of blockchain technology. The announcement in the Parliament, India’s highest policymaking echelon, is only one example in a string of high profile moves on blockchain. Various Indian states have begun integrating the technology in governance operations already.

Andhra Pradesh has emerged as a frontrunner in this respect. The government has invested considerable efforts in blockchain governance mechanisms in at least two key departments- management of land records and vehicle registrations. A first of its kind decision, the port city of Vishakapatnam is also being developed into a FinTech hub with blockchain at its core.

Much like Andhra Pradesh’s initiatives to understand the use cases in various government departments, Karnataka recently organised a hackathon on blockchain inviting practitioners and academics to deliberate real-life governance scenarios, and has announced a white paper too. Maharashtra and Telangana are among other states who are embracing the technology. A pilot project is planned on tamper proof land transaction data in Maharashtra while Telangana is using blockchain to eliminate fraudulent data in land records. The private sector’s role in innovating on each of these is of note.

While talks of blockchain revolutionising antiquated governance practices has swept policy circles; the technology is thought to offer some very concrete advantages. The experience of countries which have been successful at creating blockchain-enabled societies, such as Estonia, provide some insight into the change blockchain can usher. From secure voting to a more efficient judicial system, the technology has opened up new avenues for good governance for the country. Blockchain has facilitated ease of use, given people power over their information (which is not the case in India as it proposes centralised mechanisms for data access), and most importantly offered much-needed transparency in fundamental governance practices.

Thus, by minimising human intervention, the adoption of the technology is seen to be a step towards enabling service delivery that is truly accountable to the people.

Yet given blockchain’s potential as a disruptive technology as observed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi among others, one cannot help but wonder how India’s behemoth and complex bureaucratic system adapts to this change. If history is to serve as an example, e-Governance initiatives in Karnataka in the 1980s introduced new technologies (namely digitsation of records and regularisation of computer usage in day-to-day activities) but various issues of implementation emerged quickly. In a previous blog, we spoke of how early resource managers critical to implementation moved on while systems remained weak. Uptake for even simple e-Governance processes such as using spreadsheets for calculations prove markedly slow.

There are thus three critical questions to be considered now.

Is there a danger that blockchain technology is being overemphasised for good governance in India when allied implementation issues remain unresolved? Secondly, is adequate foresight being given to ramifications of this technology on a system-wide scale, and to what extent will the private sector play a role? Lastly, how will the changes play out for grassroots administrators and service delivery by them?

 

Accountability Initiative launches new learning course on governance

While the quality of essential public services provided in India is weak, citizens too are often unable to hold the state accountable for such lapses. Accountability Initiative’s Learning and Development lead Rajika Seth talks about Hum aur Hamaari Sarkaar,  a first of its kind course to build the capacity of Civil Society Organisations and grassroots administrators to identify where the loopholes in the governance structure.

What is the thought behind the course Hum aur Hamaari Sarkaar and who are course participants?

The course Hum aur Hamaari Sarkaar enables participants to undertake critical analysis of state capability in India as it exists today and supports them in finding answers to questions encountered every day such as: Why are not beneficiaries receiving the money due to them in time? Why is the quality of education provided by the government weak? Why is the standard of health services not improving? What prevents citizens from demanding better services?

The modules of the course include easily understandable pieces on what the government structure is, how the government functions and what is the ideal relationship between the government and people. Each module has been created on the basis of existing scholarship on the issues, and deals with topics such as decentralisation, understanding bureacracy, fund flow mechanisms and the need for active citizenship.

Our participants are usually grassroots-level development professionals working towards improving public services, members of Civil Society Organisations and Panchayat Samitis. The course thus speaks to an audience which is at the frontline of service delivery, both as administrators and recipients of services.

What is the relevance of a course such as this?

Even if the government wishes to deliver a transparent, accountable and well-functioning governance system, state agencies and public authorities seem to lack the capacity (technical and administrative; political and institutional) to deliver quality public services.

This capacity gap leaves a significant need to enhance the competency of the administrative system and its human resources and our course does just that by placing state capability at the front of the debate on governance and accountability and training the existing cadre of practitioners who engage with the system.

What change does the course hope to achieve? 

Through the course participants will not only learn about the root causes of administrative and fiscal dysfunctionality of governance systems on the ground but also about the most effective means of improving state capacity. Equipped with this knowledge, they should be able to apply a holistic mindset to on-ground interventions that are meant to strengthen administrative and organisational systems of government functioning, facilitate better coordination between different departments and levels of the government, and institute mechanisms to ensure citizen-state accountability in the design and provision of public goods. In specific, through this course, participants will be able to: 
 

  • Describe the meaning of ‘decentralisation’ and critique its application in India today. 
  • Decipher the Indian bureaucracy and their importance within the government system.
  • Explain the structure of the Indian bureaucratic system and the complicated environment within which they work.
  • Analyse the complications in the fund flow system, the Indian budget system, and how schemes are formulated and implemented. They will know why money often does not reach its destination on time and the reasons for delay.
  • Engage with the government better at the frontline of service delivery.
  • Discuss the problems related to citizen engagement with the state and how citizens can strengthen their voice to ensure enforceability of their demands.
  • Explain Social Accountability and how Social Accountability tools can be used effectively.

The end goal is to enhance the quality of services provided by the government! A well-informed citizenry who can engage with the administrative system is critical for this. 

Who can register for the course and how can people be involved? 

For now, the course is open to organisations working at the grassroots level. Details can be found here and I can be reached at [email protected] for queries. 

Making the choice of becoming an IAS officer

This blog is part of a series of conversations with young IAS officers, their motivations and their insights from working in the civil services.

Kiran Vaska is an IAS officer from the Madhya Pradesh cadre. Most recently, he was the Mission Director of the National Health Mission in Madhya Pradesh.  He shares his experiences. 

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What motivated you to look at a career in bureaucracy? 

Getting into the IAS was a childhood dream. The initial motivation I remember was from the stories my grandparents and parents told me praising the role collectors played in their times. But as I grew older and especially after a stint in the private sector, I realised that the best way to serve the country was by joining the civil services. The wide and varied experience the service, especially the IAS, offers is unparalleled. The positive impact one can bring in the lives of so many people right from the first day and every day in office is the biggest motivation.

What is a major challenge you have encountered while implementing the National Health Mission? 

Apart from the ubiquitous challenge of shortage of trained personnel, the major challenge I encountered was to keep them motivated to provide quality services that in turn motivate citizens towards a health seeking behaviour.

Have you seen your department responding to development needs?

The department, I think, is continuously evolving to respond to development needs. This is being done by regular upgradation not only in the number of services but also in their quality. For example, programmes like Rashtriya Bal Swasthya Karyakram (RBSK) and focused approach towards Non-Communicable Diseases (NCD) is an effort of the department to respond to the emerging needs. RBSK expands the scope of child health from just reducing infant mortality to improving survival outcomes through early detection and management of disabilities, disorders, deficiencies and diseases. Similarly, an increasing focus on NCDs is a clear indication of responding to the emerging threat of lifestyle diseases such as diabetes and hypertension.

Can you share one memory of the field which touched you?

There were many such moments, but the one I cherish the most is the support we got for the programme to train students from weak socio-economic backgrounds in the district for engineering and medical entrance exams. Not only did a large number of teachers volunteer to work extra hours but also many from the general public volunteered to teach these students,. The programme was a great success and many children from the backward areas of the district were admitted into IITs, NITs and other government medical colleges.

The first part of this blog series can be found here.

We want to hear from you! Write to us at [email protected] if you would like to share your experience of being an IAS officer. 

Social Audits: The Indian Experience

Social audits have been adapted very organically into the implementation process of a number of schemes in India. This blog explores why and how citizens can use social audits as a monitoring tool for government schemes and programmes. 

What is a social audit?

In the context of government schemes, a social audit is an accountability tool that measures, evaluates, identifies gaps in service delivery and elicits promises to rectify these gaps with the direct participation of intended beneficiaries in this process. In its essence, social auditing is a monitoring tool that empowers citizens to not only keep a track of utilisation of funds but most importantly gauge the effectiveness of a scheme by looking at its impact, whether the scheme has been beneficial for its target audience and allows an organisation to evaluate the sustainable roll out of a scheme.

The word ‘audit’ is derived from the Latin term ‘audire’ which means ‘to hear’.  True to its etymology, a very important component of a social audit is the public hearing that follows the evaluation process, where informed citizens raise concerns that are addressed in real time by the concerned authority figures with promises of immediate rectification.

The process of social auditing of government schemes is fairly straightforward. For instance, under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 (MGNREGA) which enshrined social audits in the Act, the first step is to gather all the records regarding the scheme such as muster rolls, maintained by the administration are collected and pored over. Based on these readings, surveys are prepared and social auditors administer the surveys across the geographical area of the audit and also conduct spot inspections.

During the survey, awareness about the scheme is also generated, letting the recipients themselves bridge the gap between what the scheme offered and what they actually got (which might throw up glaring disparities in service delivery). The participants in the survey are then called for a ‘jan sunwai’ (public hearing) which is attended by Gram Sabha members, local administrative officers, the point person for the scheme and sometimes even local politicians. Based on the findings from the survey and their newly realised grievances, citizens are in a position to question lacunae in fund and work allocation, completion reports on status of work and distribution of benefits. An attempt is then made to reconcile issues on the spot and where relevant, future administrative action is promised, with scope for follow-up on such actions.

How is a social audit useful?

As is evident, social audits help empower citizens to be directly involved in the programmes of a welfare state and to raise grievances before an authority figure(s), instead of being mute recipients of government doles. A realisation of what one is entitled to by law and the empowerment that comes along with demanding this rightful entitlement is a happy by-product of a social audit.

From the perspective of the agency that is implementing the scheme, it is a means to evaluate how the scheme is being rolled out, identify lacunae that are impeding service delivery and to an extent, even for relationship building with a community to disperse feelings of mistrust and disenchantment.

What can be audited?

Statutorily, quite a few schemes have made social audits a necessary part of their implementation. As mentioned earlier, MGNREGA is one of the frontrunners in this aspect, with the Act having mandated social audits every six months to monitor whether works are in consonance with the annual village plans. The CAG has also prepared the MGNREGA Audit of Schemes Rules in furtherance of this mandate. The National Food Security Act endorses periodic social audits of fair price shops, targeted PDS and other welfare schemes under the Act. Guidelines for monitoring implementation of the Mid-Day Meal scheme through social audits are also in place.

More recently, governments in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand have initiated social audits of development projects and welfare schemes related to rural areas. The CAG has also recommended social audit of local bodies’ schemes for better accountability of the effectiveness of fund allocation.

In a recent development, Meghalaya became the first state in India to legislate a Social Audit law which makes social audit of state-run schemes mandatory.

Who can conduct a social audit?

The Department of Rural Development in states like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Meghalaya have set up their Society for Social Audit and Transparency which are autonomous institutions that conduct social audits of the MGNREG Scheme. This is in furtherance of the Social Audit Manual of the Ministry of Rural Development which requires every State to set up an independent Social Audit Unit consisting of resource persons from the State, District and Village as well as experts on relevant themes.

Social audits are conducted in partnership with civil society organisations, with auditors emerging from among scheme beneficiaries, who are trained over a period of time on how to conduct a social audit. Since awareness generation is an important component of these audits, it becomes necessary to have conduits who can be relied upon to transfer factually correct information.

A successful social audit requires a bureaucratic will to listen and to remedy and a strategy to mobilise in order to air discontent without being confrontational. An audit does not end with a ‘jan sunwai’ but requires follow up of promises and concurrent actions, without which it would just become another mundane exercise in identifying gaps that may or may not get rectified.

To learn more about the process, limits and potential of conducting social audits, click here.

The Indian Interoperability Maze

This blog is part of a series on blockchain technology, governance and its implications for e-Governance in India. 

Since my blog of last week, two events that relate to digital privacy have further muddied the waters. The Supreme Court’s decision that one’s Aadhar number need not be linked to every service imaginable, from your bank account to your taxi app, came as a relief to those who worried about protecting their privacy. I, for one, vented my irritation by sending rude replies to all those threatening messages that asked me to reveal my Aadhar number to them or else. Sadly, all the messages came back, undelivered. There must be a law against those who send automated messages that block replies – some of my responses were literary masterpieces!

But then came the Cambridge Analytica expose. Cambridge Analytica, a big data mining firm that was instrumental in strategising electoral campaigns in widely differing democratic contexts, was found out playing dirty, by using data from social media to target delivery of persuasive messages, many based on falsehood and the maligning of opponents. Clearly, it does not matter that we are given a respite by the Supreme Court from enforced transparency of our personal lives. If we are on social media, ruthless big data giants like Cambridge Analytica have us caught naked, in their searchlights and are making money selling our pictures to politicians. It did not come as a surprise that the India branch of Cambridge Analytica, which claims to have influenced elections through their strategies for large, mainstream parties that can afford to pay their costs, is headed by a politically well-connected individual.

The paradox is that even as our personal data out there is vulnerable to cross-linkage to build a complete profile of our lives that can be sold for good money without our knowledge, governments continue to drag their feet on building integrated architecture for the divulging of data relating to its doings.

Let me give you an example.

In nearly all States, a slew of departments that are termed the Revenue system – which, by the way has nothing to do with revenue, but which looks after land administration – has computerised its databases. This is a commendable task and must be appreciated. For example, Karnataka state was one of the first to digitise its data on agricultural land, through the widely acclaimed ‘Bhoomi’ project. This was followed by the Registration department – a unit within the larger revenue set up ‘Cauvery’ project, which computerised the registration process, when immovable property is sold and bought. Yet, for a considerable number of years, Bhoomi and Cauvery did not speak to each other. This meant that if one sold a piece of land, one still had to obtain physical copies of the land cultivation particulars from the Bhoomi system and physically present them to the registration department, which would scan the sale deed and record the registration of property in Cauvery. But then, since Cauvery did not speak to Bhoomi, the buyer of the land would again have to obtain physical copies of the sale document from the registration department and make a fresh application to the Bhoomi wallahs to replace in their land records the name of the seller with the buyer. This took another 45 days.

However, buying and selling of land is not the only transaction that happens with land. The owner of land may like to partition it, sell a few portions and retain the rest. That introduces another complication; the fresh boundaries of the smaller plots of land have to be marked on the drawings of the land. This is done by the survey and settlement department; another member of the Revenue family.

However the survey and settlement department has a backlog of digitisation of records to follow. That is understandable, given that measurement of land and marking their boundaries on the ground is a manual process that still have to be done, even in the age of digitisation. What is not understandable is that more than twenty years have passed since the first steps were taken towards Bhoomi, but there has been little headway in the digitisation of survey drawings on the ground.

When the nature of the land is changed, for example, if its classification changes from agricultural to non-agricultural use, there are further complications in store. Non-agricultural land is taxed by the local governments, namely, the Gram Panchayats and the Municipalities. They do not come under the Revenue system and so, their accounting and database systems have taken a different path.

And you guessed it – the local government software does not speak to Bhoomi or Cauvery, in spite of the government’s claims that they do. So one has to again obtain physical copies of documents from one system and present it to the local government to have the records changed there.

All this could be easily solvable, if they focused their Aadhar style linkages on land, rather than on people. If every piece of land were given a unique number that enabled its ownership records to seamlessly transfer from one digital system to another, life would be much easier for people.

But when was governance ever meant to make peoples’ lives simpler?

Estonia’s experience with blockchain in governance

This blog is part of a series on blockchain technology, governance and its implications for e-Governance in India. 

Does the control that citizens have over the access to their data, undermine the effort involved in transforming Estonia into a digital society?

Not really.

This is because while certain kinds of personal data, like health and educational records are private and access is gained only if the data owner permits it, with alerts to prevent peeping Toms from gaining access, other kinds of data such as business and land ownership records are open by law. Tracking the business interests of people can be done in a matter of minutes. In the case of voting, voters can avoid polling point intimidation; it’s a non-issue if one does not have to go to the polling booth, and if one can vote, and change one’s vote up to the deadline, from home, online.

We often discount the possibilities that such an open transformation into a digital society can offer. However, in Estonia, some of the lines of evolution seem almost natural. For a country of just 1.3 million people, attracting talent to their nation to keep innovation and production high is a real challenge. Typically, nations do this by tweaking their immigration policies; which incentivise and encourage talented people to physically move into their territories.

Sadly, it looks like India took the wrong road on the fork. It has a lot to learn from Estonia, but it seems like that opportunity has been forsaken.

Estonia does this differently. By transcending the conventional thinking of a ‘population’, as large blocks of people who can move across physically across borders, they aim to get talent worldwide, to get virtually connected to their country. So far, under e-Estonia’s e-residency programme, 28,000 people have applied for Estonian residency rights. Most applicants are entrepreneurs and innovators. e-resident growth exceeds the birth rate. And their activities, all across the world, are in a sense, Estonian start-ups. The only catch is that 88 per cent of applicants are men; so there is now an active search for female entrepreneurs to seek e-residency in Estonia.

The biggest impetus for innovation in Estonia, is freedom from fear and obstruction. Here is where the government of Estonia comes in. An example is the way in which the judicial system, notorious elsewhere for delays and corruption, has been reformed in Estonia.  Even as countries like India debate on the increases required in courts and judges, in Estonia, everybody is connected on the criminal justice and judicial system. The police and forensic scientists log into the system and file their reports, as also lawyers and judges. In civil disputes, plaintiffs and defendants log in and make their averments. Prison warders are on the system, thus enabling prisoners to be teleconferenced into the court room, avoiding expensive and risky physical transport. Every single point of delay has been identified and addressed.

While the scale of e-Governance in the judicial system might sound unattainable in India, the health provisioning model is something that we could do. Simple systems enable paramedics to access health records even as an ambulance rushes to the patient’s home, so that they are well prepared to deal with the person’s condition. However, here too, access into the health record is logged back to the owner of the record- the patient. The patient knows who is checking out her health related details, which, though electronic, is still in the private domain.

How did Estonia embark on this journey? How did they get this far? How long did it take?

All countries have to deal with the same set of concerns when they put down the structure of a digital society, namely, privacy, data ownership and safety. Most countries take the conventional route, which even as it speaks of personalisation and anonymity, opts for a centralised data architecture that takes away control over data from citizens and enables it to be sold by brokers. This results in a backlash of citizen distrust, which then broadens into a wider suspicion of all technology. And of course, the actions of most governments justify these fears.

Estonia, on the other hand, has consistently sold the transformation of their country into a digital society as something that does not dehumanise their people and convert them into a set of numbers. This commitment to protection of human values and preferences, even as technology is brought in to transform the lives of people, is a critical emotional cornerstone of their policies. Estonia harks to its past and its culture to position technology as the friend and trusted companion of its people. In Estonian folklore, there is a creature known as the ‘kratt’, which is a set of inanimate objects that the devil will bring to life for you, in exchange for a drop of blood. The kratt then becomes the Estonian’s companion and protector. In today’s day and age in modern Estonia, the kratt could be a robot, or an algorithm that protects and works for the one who gave a drop of blood, namely, the citizen who gained an electronic identity.

In contrast, India seems to have taken the centralisation path, with the Aadhar card. Through increasingly stringent directives and threatening deadlines for linking various services to Aadhar, with the Supreme Court remaining ambivalent in this regard, India is squeezing out the last vestiges of privacy from people. Data security of the centralised database, and whether citizens will have the rights to prevent snoopers from mining this data, is still not certain.

Sadly, it looks like India took the wrong road on the fork. It has a lot to learn from Estonia, but it seems like that opportunity has been forsaken.

This blog has heavily relied on Nathan Heller’s article that appeared in the New Yorker Magazine.

इस ब्लॉग का हिंदी में सारांश आपको यहाँ मिलेगा

PUBLIC EDUCATION IN INDIA: PARADIGM SHIFTS IN STUDENT ASSESSMENTS

The focus of education policymakers on outcomes, especially learning outcomes, is steadily rising. This is the fourth blog in a blog series to discuss paradigm shifts in the field of assessments in India’s public education system.

2017 was an important year in the field of public education in India. Following the 64th meeting of the Central Advisory Board on Education (CABE) held in October 2016, the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) recommended two major policy changes, through proposed amendments to the Right to Education (RTE) Act (2009)

These include the introduction of class-wise, subject-wise, learning outcomes for all elementary classes under the RTE Act; and secondly, an amendment to modify Section 16 of the Act by scrapping the No Detention Policy (NDP) for students of grades 5 and 8. The Continuous Comprehensive Evaluation (CCE) pattern of evaluation, mentioned under section 29 of the RTE Act, is also going to be modified, following the decision of the Central Board of Secondary Education to re-introduce board examinations and scrap the policy for grades 9 and 10.

Together, these decisions are poised to have significant implications on how teaching-learning and assessments are viewed and conducted in India. In this article, we shed light on the possible contradictions in these policy changes. Further, we argue that without formally changing the indicators used to hold teachers and schools accountable for student learning and addressing existing resource constraints, it would be hard to expect school actors to change their behaviour vis-a-vis teaching and assessment.

Recent amendments to the RTE Act

Learning Outcomes (LOs) for students of classes 1-8 across all schools in the country were officially codified in the RTE on 22nd February 2017, on the basis of a draft document prepared by the NCERT, subject to state-specific adaptation. Simply put, these are assessment standards indicating the expected level of learning that children should have achieved as they move from one grade to another. What is significant about these outcomes from a policy perspective is that they seek to provide a uniform metric for assessing children’s conceptual understanding of different subjects, by testing their capacity to apply, construct, and build upon knowledge gained inside classrooms.

In the prevailing system, students are primarily tested on retention of facts rather than understanding. By pushing for LOs, the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) is attempting to fulfil the original vision of the RTE Act of making teaching more student-centric and breaking the cycle of teaching-to-the-test.

On the other hand, there are the decisions to modify the NDP and CCE mode of evaluation. One rationale behind this was to change the way assessments have been traditionally viewed. These policies were expected to promote an environment where students were free from fear, trauma and anxiety induced by examinations, and possibilities of detention and expulsion. Continuous assessments were expected to aid the teacher in understanding individual student progress and tailor teaching methods to suit children’s needs using a mix of activity-based and written tests.

However, the implementation of these policies was not smooth. It was argued that students were disinterested in learning because of the assurance of automatic promotion, absenteeism had increased, and teachers themselves had become lackadaisical about completing course syllabi because of these policies. Moreover, the individual attention the CCE model of assessments demanded was also unfeasible owing to resource constraints in public schools. As a result, student dropout rates increased drastically at the secondary school level, (NDP applies to grades 1 to 8) and the filling of CCE report cards became a purely mechanical exercise rather than the comprehensive assessment it was expected to be. The status report of the sub-committee set up by CABE to review the implementation of CCE in the context of NDP was presented at the 65th meeting of CABE in January 2018.

Implications of the amendments 

The recent developments have given rise to important questions and concerns. Proponents of Sections 16 and 29 argue that the rationale for introducing both NDP and the CCE was sound as it was based on extensive research on the negative impact of detaining students and prioritising test scores over learning. It is the education system which is to be blamed for not preparing schools adequately – be it addressing the resource gaps, adequately training teachers, orienting parents and other stakeholders to the changes, or the design of the CCE assessment tools in themselves which are considered cumbersome by many. This begs us to ask whether the understanding and degree of preparedness is higher now than before as learning outcomes are being introduced in states.

By scrapping the NDP and reverting to the old assessment method and pattern, would it not bring back fear in students, reinforce old modes of instruction and de-incentivise teachers from ensuring students learn with understanding than obsess over test scores? An underlying assumption of the criticisms levelled at the NDP and CCE is that students can learn only under the threat of failure. If that is the case, there is a need to promote an altered understanding of teaching-learning rather than to re-introduce binaries of pass-fail that are bound to strengthen such notions. This would also lay further stress on teachers to focus even more on ensuring high passing rates, on which their performance would be judged, rather than on ensuring that students have learned what is being taught in class.

Question paper setting patterns have also not undergone changes to align these with the goal of testing students for understanding. The RTE Act and even the NCF is largely silent on what it would take to reform test paper setting patterns. In light of the learning outcomes, it becomes more important to train teachers on how to prepare test papers that carry different levels of questions rather than testing students on facts alone. In fact, the purpose of setting learning outcomes would be defeated if test papers do not see reforms in a context where written tests are being re-prioritised.

Next to the written test and test scores, the syllabus is another important feature of education for school actors. Even during the era of NDP and CCE, syllabus completion continued to be a constant for schools. The syllabus acts as a checkpoint for teachers to plan their lessons and as an indicator of their performance. In the limited time teachers get to teach and the wide variation in student learning levels within classrooms, syllabus completion often means teachers end up racing through lessons. In this scenario, it becomes easy to see why students continue to be primarily tested on fact-based questions.

At the Accountability Initiative, our research repeatedly points to the fact that it is naïve to expect school actors to change their behaviour while their supervisors continue to effectively hold them accountable for pass rates and syllabi completion in the name of assessing the quality of teaching-learning. As mentioned earlier, the education system was and continues to cohere around tests, syllabus completion, passing rates.

To conclude, the recent policy changes clearly demonstrates that debates around what are the best means to teach and assess students are far from settled. This, however, does not take away from the urgency of introducing critical reforms in assessment patterns, accountability structures in the education department, improving capacity and addressing resource gaps in order to implement the RTE Act in both letter and spirit. Without these reforms, there is a real danger of reducing LOs to just another marker in report cards, upholding the status quo vis a vis teaching-learning and assessments.

This article originally appeared in IAPS Dialogue. 

Blockchain, the next level of e-Governance

This blog is part of a series on blockchain technology, governance and its implications for e-Governance in India. 

I ended my last blog a fortnight back, asking whether Blockchain technology might provide a disruptive breakthrough in reforming governance processes. I had lamented that if most reform suggestions had to go back to the same people who benefit from the lack of transparency in the current system; they would not have any incentive to reform.

Yet, aspirations must be created, if they do not exist. e-Governance is as likely to get stuck in a low level equilibrium if not challenged. So challenge it, we must.

The best way to prove that something can be done, is to find somewhere where it’s done. And that’s where Estonia comes into the picture.

The Baltic nations- tiny Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia- have always had the Russian bear at their doorsteps. For them, defence is an urgent national priority. But defence could cost a great deal for a small country. Since an army might not provide enough deterrence to a large aggressor, so defence by a larger strategic alliance becomes a necessary option. In the case of Estonia, defence cover is provided by the NATO, and the country pays through its nose for it.

All the more reason that the country has to tighten its belt and maximise its efficiency. What better way to do that, than reduce its bureaucracy? On the face of it, streamlining the bureaucracy is no big deal. Countries speak of it all the time – indeed, the same bureaucracy that does not wish to be streamlined, leads the way in streamlining itself. What makes Estonia different is the staggering scale of its vision, as also the steps it has taken to achieve its vision. There are some key principles that emerge from the Estonian experience.

    • First, e-Estonia, sets its sights high. It is not merely about going through a shopping list of disconnected processes and simplifying them; the vision of the government is to transform itself from a state to a digital society. In this regard, it touches everything that has to do with citizens’ lives and in direction, the distinction between the public and the private sectors has disappeared.

 

    • Second, keeping in mind its ambition vision, e-Estonia has discarded the conventional approach of e-Governance in departmental silo. Instead, it aims to integrate all services with which the government is involved, under one seamless platform. This transcends service delivery to include legislation, voting, justice, banking, policing and taxation, apart from the delivery of public welfare services such as education and health.

 

    • Third, at the citizen level, the core assurance of the system is the ‘once only’ policy, which lays down that no information should be entered twice. Thus, at the citizen level once basic data is entered once, then there is no need to ‘prepare’ data for individual transactions with the government. No applications for loans, passports, certificates, licences need be written up all over again, because data for these can be automatically pulled from various places in the system. This means that only the barest minimum of transactions will need physical presence. Thus, if Estonians want to marry and register their marriages, they will need to turn up at the marriage registrar. Similarly, if they want to sell properties, they will need to turn up at the property registry office. Nearly all other bureaucratic processes can be done online, including voting, which can be done from the citizens’ laptops.

 

  • Fourth, while it is inevitable that the system rests on a foundation of personal data of citizens, the state does not own this data. The state cannot manipulate and use this data without the consent of the citizens concerned. Citizens themselves have a two-step access code to look over their data. They have to insert their ID cards into their laptops, and type in their two secret codes, one of which issues their digital signature. This unlocks access to the personal data stored on the population registry of the state. Different boxes contain employment and property information, traffic records, health, education and even pet ownership records. Best of all this data is not centrally held, but is distributed across encrypted pathways. It is the individual concerned that has access to the rigorous filtering of who can access what. Thus, if you were in Estonia, you could at your option, disallow your heart doctor from checking what your dentist has to say. And to seal the security, every time anybody peeps into one’s records, that is recorded and reported. Electronic peeping; checking out someone’s data for no reason, is a criminal offence.

These principles may give the impression that Estonia is non transparent to the extreme. What use is big data capability, if citizens can block access to nearly all data relating to themselves, in a capricious manner? Yet, Estonia is hugely transparent in many other ways.

More of that, in my next blog.

इस ब्लॉग का हिंदी में सारांश आपको यहाँ मिलेगा|

Attitudes that block e-Governance

This blog is part of a series on the rollout and progress of e-Governance in India. 

Any discussion on e-Governance is peppered with tired, self-evident assertions, which mostly focus on why e-Governance is so necessary. Attend any conference on e-Governance and the presentations, whether by government officers or those who collaborate with them, will dwell for long on ‘disintermediation’, ‘business process re-engineering’, ‘transparency’, ‘accountability’, and other such un-impeachable words.

Yet, if reduction of corruption were to be chosen as a measure for the efficacy of e-Governance measures, nearly all such efforts are of no value.

A couple of years back, Accountability Initiative took up the ‘Paisa for Panchayats’ Project. This was an exercise in fiscal tracking, which aimed to ascertain how much money is spent by all government departments put together, within the jurisdiction of a Gram Panchayat. The rationale for undertaking this exercise was the belief that if citizens could easily access what each department of the government was spending in her vicinity, she might be prompted to ask them questions and take a greater interest in governance in her area. This was also prompted by the belief that efforts at fiscal decentralisation had not only flagged, but also reversed, so that all the social accountability practices that government boasted about, were being implemented only upon a tiny slice of the entire expenditure of the government; the slice sent to the Gram Panchayats.

Our research, conducted in the 30 Gram Panchayats of Mulbagal Taluk in Kolar District, Karnataka, showed that the annual expenditure of the major departments of the government in the area of each Panchayat was in the range of Rs. 5 to 7 crore, but the Gram Panchayat had effective control and supervisory responsibilities over a mere 3 to 5 per cent of this expenditure. While these findings made for a strong case to align fiscal transfers with the range of functions devolved upon the Panchayats, we believed that such an exercise would require political support. As we were not sure that such political support would emerge, we suggested to the government that it should devise an expenditure information network that would put out in the public domain in real time, allocations, releases and expenditures under each stream, disaggregated to the level of each Gram Panchayat in rural areas, and each Municipal ward in urban areas. This we argued, would make it much easier for ordinary citizens to check at a glance which department of the government was spending how much, when and for whom, in their neighbourhoods.

An expenditure information network of this nature, given Karnataka state’s commitment to e-Governance, required only a minor tweak to the already existing treasury management system. If all departments and their vendors were compelled while lodging their expenditure vouchers in the treasury, to disclose where exactly they were spending the money – this could be done if each habitation in rural areas and ward in urban areas were given a unique locational code, as also every service delivery institution, such as a school, hospital or crèche – then a simple algorithm could gather this data location wise and present it to any citizen.

I dare say it is an elegantly simple idea.

The reaction when we presented this suggestion to officials of the Finance Department, was depressingly predictable.

‘Raghu’, said my friend, a senior officer in the Finance department. ‘You are going to make my life miserable’.

And here lies the rub. e-Governance has to be convenient for the government; not necessarily for the citizen. Thus, there is a clear dichotomy in the government’s enthusiasm for e-Governance. It is most enthusiastically embraced when taxation systems are automated – the government loves to make it easier for citizens to pay their taxes and file their returns. The government is a lot more cautious when it comes to service delivery. Rarely does online application for a service suffice; the government would still insist that one visits the office to physically verify documents filed online. And finally, when it comes to the disclosure of expenditure details, e-Governance is given a wide berth by the government. As my friend says, it makes the life of the government miserable.

Yet, there is hope. New technologies and processes have the potential to be disruptive and in one fell swoop, the resistance to making expenditures transparent may be eroded. Blockchain technology, which has the potential to handle large lumps of data and enable their interaction much more easily than now, can replace several of today’s linear processes within the government. The sequence of approvals and scrutiny checks and balances can be removed and its place taken by machine intelligence and algorithms that are less fallible, less prejudiced and faster than current manual safeguards.

Would this shift happen, and if so when and where? That’s for the next blog.