#3 WALKING THE TIGHTROPE: THE FUTURE OF THE IAS

As the Indian bureaucracy completes 160 years, former Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer T.R. Raghunanandan reflects on the decisions being taken by the government to reform the IAS and the impact these are likely to have. The first part of this blog can be found here

Things seem to be moving swiftly in the circles of IAS reforms. The idea of having a fourth level of examinations at the end of the Common Foundation Course, which I had said was unnecessary, seems to have been dropped for now, going by the reports in the papers. However, that has not laid to rest other questions, two of which considerably exercise the mind at the moment; the one of lateral entry at the Joint Secretary’s level and the other, of the stand-off between the elected government of Delhi, and particularly its chief minister, and the IAS. I propose to deal with the latter in this blog.

The circumstances of the current controversy on who is answerable to whom in Delhi, are well known. One would not hazard to look at the issues of the facts, because, depending on where one sits, one has a diametrically opposite view point on the facts that have led to the dispute between the IAS and the elected government. Suffice to say that there is tension between the two; and that is a masterly understatement.

Regardless of my personal views on the matter as to who is right or wrong at this point in time, I have long held that the crux of the issue was the delay by the Supreme Court in determining the exact boundaries of the responsibilities of the elected government of the union territory of Delhi and the Union Government. As long as these boundaries were hazy, there was ample scope for disputes between the union and the union territory’s elected government. Disputes of this nature almost always place the permanent bureaucracy in a sensitive position; as they are used as the arms and ammunition for political battles.

Sadly, last week’s Supreme Court order did not make matters clear. At the end of 535 pages of sometimes heavy reading; one is still at a loss to get answers to precise questions that needed to be answered. Broad statements such as that the Lieutenant Governor works under the aid and advice of the elected government, and that the two ought to work with a spirit of cooperation, hardly suffice when the tussle is about real issues on the ground; who issues transfer orders of staff, who recruits and who clears and undertakes procurement processes. It is not as if the Supreme Court were not aware of these matters, even though these might not have been framed into precise issues and questions to be answered by the court.

Once again, there is ample scope for the bureaucracy to be accused of favouritism and being subordinated, possibly under threat, to the union government.

What does the bureaucracy do in such matters? When faced with orders that contradict each other, what line of thought ought to be the norm?

The answer lies in the fundamentals, which is the hierarchy of orders or directives. Any student of public administration knows well enough that the working directives that drive governance on a day to day basis, such as rules, bye-laws, instructions and letters, only constitute a subordinate framework, which is subject to the law. The law, in turn, is subject to the provisions of the Constitution.

True, bureaucrats who take upon themselves the task of interpreting the Constitution may find themselves in a tight spot, because their interpretation might be disputed, particularly when it comes to the nuances of the separation of functions between levels of government. However, in this case, the Supreme Court has already given an interpretation, which needs to be acted upon. The key to understand such interpretations is to proceed in the opposite direction as one would if one were to be faced with a battery of rules and laws. One needs to comply with the broad principles and then fill in the detail.

Whatever may be the gaps in the interpretation of the Supreme Court, the judgment makes two clear and unequivocal statements. First, that the LG works under the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers, and that all matters in the State and Concurrent List, excluding subjects that are specifically excluded, come within the domain of the elected government. Surely, that is easy to interpret?

The problem arises when tactical positions are taken, with a view to the future, as to which position is to be supported. Such positioning by the bureaucracy, which comprises largely of ambitious loners, might yield benefits to individuals who ride the risks. However, it undermines the bureaucracy as a whole. Politicians are canny creatures; always on the lookout for chinks in the armour of the permanent bureaucracy. Over the years, politicians are no longer befuddled by the impassive barriers that the bureaucracy builds against quick and decisive actions; if an officer won’t do what the politician of the day wants, the latter will find a new officer to do their bidding.

As it stands today, it looks as if more issues will be raised before the Supreme Court. In particular, the issue of who controls the services of the officers in Delhi, will be raised. However, whatever may be the outcome, the position of the bureaucracy as a permanent and objective servant of the political power of the people expressed through the latter’s representatives, will be undermined. The nice thing about a democracy is that political power changes hands, sometimes when one least expects it. But politicians also teach each other tricks that succeed.  Manipulating and playing mental games to subjugate the permanent bureaucracy is one of them.  

The views expressed are of the author only and do not represent an institutional stand.

“सिस्टम की जटिलताओं की ओट में छिपे अधिकारी”- एक वास्तविक अनुभव

जैसा की आप हम सभी जानते हैं कि हम लोग सरकार को किसी न किसी तरह कर के रूप में पैसा देते हैं | सरकार भी उस इकठ्ठे किये गए पैसे से अपने अधिकारीयों के माध्यम से हमें सेवाएं देने का काम करती है | परन्तु सवाल यह उठता है कि यदि सरकार में बैठे लोग ही अपना काम सही से न करें या फिर लापरवाही बरतें तो उसका प्रभाव किन लोगों पर सबसे ज्यादा पड़ता है? यह सवाल तब और भी संजीदा हो जाता है, जब सेवाएं देने वालों के ऊपर बच्चों के भविष्य निर्माण की जिम्मेदारी हो |

मैं इसी से जुड़ी कुछ महीने पूर्व हुई एक वास्तविक घटना को आप सभी के समक्ष साझा कर रहा हूँ | यह बात मेरे गाँव की एक महिला शिक्षक की है जो पास के लगभग 1 किलोमीटर दूर स्कूल में मुख्य शिक्षिका के पद पर कार्यरत हैं | स्कूल सुबह 9 बजे शुरू होता है पर बावजूद इसके मुख्य शिक्षिका अपने स्कूल में अक्सर 12 बजे पहुँचती हैं | कई बार तो यदि उनका मन नहीं करे तो वह स्कूल भी नहीं आतीं | पंचायत भी ब्लॉक शिक्षा अधिकारी के समक्ष मुख्य शिक्षिका के बारे में शिकायत कर चुकी है लेकिन अधिकारियों की तरफ से उन्हें चेतावनी से ज्यादा कुछ नहीं मिला |

यह मार्च 2018 के पहले सप्ताह का दिन था, जब स्कूल में बच्चों की परीक्षाएं चल रहीं थीं | दिनचर्या के अनुसार आज मुख्य शिक्षिका स्कूल में नहीं आई थीं परन्तु आज का दिन बाकी दिनों से कुछ अलग था | जिला परियोजना अधिकारी सर्व शिक्षा अभियान अचानक स्कूल में परीक्षा के दौरान औचक निरिक्षण करने आ पहुंचे | दुसरे अध्यापकों से जानने के बाद मालुम चला कि बिना स्कूल को जानकारी दिए मुख्य शिक्षिका आज स्कूल नहीं आयीं हैं | जिला परियोजना अधिकारी ने सभी रजिस्टरों का निरिक्षण किया और पाया की कोई भी रिकॉर्ड पिछले काफी महीनों से अपडेट नहीं किया गया है | इसी बीच पता नहीं कैसे मुख्य शिक्षिका को अधिकारी के पहुँचने की सूचना मिली और उसने पड़ोस के एक लड़के के हाथ में छुट्टी की अर्जी भिजवा दी | लेकिन मुख्य शिक्षिका ने जल्दबाजी में अर्जी की तारीख में वर्ष 2018 की जगह 2017 लिख दिया था | गुस्साए अधिकारी ने तुरंत शिक्षकों को स्कूल प्रबंधन समिति के सदस्यों, अभिभावकों एवं पंचायत के सदस्यों को स्कूल में आने को कहा ताकि मुख्य शिक्षिका के विरुद्ध कड़ी कार्यवाही की जाये |

अभिभावकों ने अधिकारी के सामने मुख्य शिक्षिका के बारे में बात रखते हुए बताया कि उनकी वजह से शिक्षकों एवं बच्चों के ऊपर काफी नकारात्मक असर पड़ रहा है | अधिकारी ने स्वयं पत्र तैयार करके सभी मौजूद लोगों से हस्ताक्षर करवाये | अधिकारी ने लोगों को आश्वस्त किया कि उच्च अधिकारी से इसके बारे में शिकायत की जायेगी तथा यह सुनिश्चित किया जायेगा कि मुख्य शिक्षिका के विरुद्ध कड़ी से कड़ी कार्यवाई हो | इसके बाद जिला परियोजना अधिकारी ने ब्लॉक शिक्षा अधिकारी को भी इसकी सूचना दी | इस बात को बीते हुए आज 4 महीने से अधिक हो चुके हैं तो आप लोग जरा सोचिये कि अब आगे क्या हुआ होगा? सोचिये?

आगे यह हुआ कि 4 महीने बीत जाने के बाद अब मुख्य शिक्षिका वरिष्ठता के आधार पर पदोन्नत हो गई हैं और केंद्र संकुल समन्वयक (CHT) भी बन चुकी हैं | जी हाँ, आपने बिलकुल सही सुना | हिमाचल प्रदेश में शिक्षा विभाग दो भागों में कार्य करता है – पहला शिक्षा विभाग का स्थायी ढांचा जिसे सभी प्रकार की प्रशासनिक शक्तियां प्राप्त हैं और दूसरी तरफ सर्व शिक्षा अभियान के रूप में अस्थाई सोसाइटी | हिमाचल में शिक्षकों की पदोन्नति वरिष्ठता के आधार पर शिक्षा विभाग के स्थाई ढांचे द्वारा की जाती है | वहीं सर्व शिक्षा अभियान के अंतर्गत आने वाले अधिकारीयों के पास वास्तव में किसी शिक्षक को हटाने एवं पदोन्नत करने की कोई शक्ति ही नहीं होती|

एक तरफ सर्व शिक्षा अभियान के जिला परियोजना अधिकारी ने मुख्य शिक्षिका के काम को देखते हुए उनके ऊपर एक्शन लेने की हिम्मत दिखाई | वहीं दूसरी तरफ रुढ़िवादी ढांचे की वजह से वरिष्ठता के आधार पर मुख्य शिक्षिका के ऊपर कार्यवाई होने के बजाय उसकी पदोन्नति हुई | इससे ये कहना गलत नहीं होगा कि ऐसे अधिकारी सिस्टम की जटिलताओं के ढांचे की ओट में  छिप जाते हैं | क्यों इस तरह के सिस्टम तैयार किये जाते हैं जिसमें सरकार खुद ही उलझ कर रह जाती है और फायदा ले जाते हैं तो केवल कुछ मौकापरस्त अधिकारी?

पिछले अध्ययनों और अनुभवों के आधार पर शायद मुझे यह कहने में मुझे कतई गुरेज नहीं है कि यदि वह निरिक्षण अधिकारी शिक्षा विभाग के स्थाई ढांचे यानी लाइन डिपार्टमेंट से होता तो थोड़ी बहुत कार्यवाही शायद देखने को मिल भी जाती |

यह समस्या केवल शिक्षा विभाग की ही नहीं है बल्कि यह बात सभी विभागों के ऊपर लागु होती है जो सेवा वितरण में अपनी अहम् भूमिका निभातें हैं | ऐसे कितने ही रोजमर्रा में इस तरह के अधिकारी होते हैं, जिनके खिलाफ लोग अपनी आवाज तो उठाते हैं परन्तु सिस्टम की जटिलता या कभी लापरवाही की वजह से ऐसे लोग पाक साफ़ निकल जाते हैं | जरुरी है कि सरकार ऐसा सिस्टम तैयार करे जो ऐसे लोगों के खिलाफ पूरी पारदर्शिता से जांच करे और उनकी जवाबदेही सुनिश्चित करते हुए अपना निष्पक्ष निर्णय सुनाये | इसी से एक बेहतर सेवा वितरण के सिस्टम का निर्माण हो पायेगा |

Panchayati Raj: Empty Coffers and the Mirage of Local Governance

This year marks the silver jubilee of the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments that led to the institutionalisation of Panchayati Raj in India. This was a landmark constitutional reform that had the disruptive potential to make democracy truly representative by ensuring decision making at the local tier, and holding governments accountable to people at that level. 25 years later, the slow pace of institutional reforms and the numerous bottlenecks have reduced Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) to the role of paper-pushing agencies rather than a thriving arena of local governance.

The constitutional reforms primarily sought to bring about changes to the Indian political landscape through 2 mechanisms. First, it aimed at widening the democratic base and bring in political representation from across the country and across social groups. This has been fairly successful with elections to the panchayat seats being held regularly, and the number of elected panchayat representatives as of 2015 at 35 lakh i.e. an elected representative for every 3,700 people.

Secondly, the constitutional reforms aimed at creating PRIs as institutions of public service delivery and governance that would be responsive to local needs. This came against the growing realisation that real development could not take place without the participation of people.  Political and economic theory shows that PRIs are better placed to coordinate locally available resources with the local needs of the people. Initial experiments with conferring power upon people’s representatives also revealed a number of positives: teacher attendance in primary schools improved; block development officers became more responsive to people’s needs; and importantly people were able to air their grievances to the elected representatives and obtain relief through them. These were clear pieces of evidence that PRIs enabled greater accountability in governance.

Given this rationale, the constitutional amendment law created several institutional reforms that would animate PRIs as well-functioning grassroots public service delivery institutions. In that regard, the law identified 29 subject matters in the 11th schedule of the amendment for which PRIs held sole responsibility. PRIs were to be given complete powers to plan and execute schemes for the functions pertaining to these 29 subjects. Several institutions that would enable bottom-up decentralised planning were given statutory status. District Planning Committees (DPC) were to be constituted in each district by the state governments; The DPCs were meant to coordinate and consolidate the planning process across the PRI tiers and formulate a development plan for the entire district. Gram Sabhas, in which every citizen of the panchayat was a member gained constitutional recognition as the fora for discussion and deliberation of Panchayat plans and proposals. Additionally, panchayat members were also expected to give updates on status of implementation of different schemes in the gram sabha. Further, Panchayats in several states have de jure provided for the implementation of social audits. Social audits are a powerful way to independently evaluate the performance of PRIs by the people.

Despite these forays into making governance at the grassroots a reality, any progress on getting the institutional reforms underway has met with several roadblocks. As a result of India’s federal political setup, each state has the right to pass their own panchayati raj act to legitimise PRIs and determine the extent of decentralisation within their state. While all states have passed the state panchayati raj act, the de facto operationalisation of these principles has lacked political will and left most Panchayats across the country toothless.

A basic tenet of decentralisation requires that funds follow function. In most states in India, several functions have been transferred to one of the PRI tiers notionally. However adequate funds have not been allotted for the panchayats to execute these functions. All states were required to constitute State Finance Commissions every 5 years to recommend tax and non-tax revenue assignments and fiscal devolution from the states to the PRIs. But the SFC institution has come under scathing criticism. Rather than carry forward the spirit of decentralisation through timely reforms, SFC reports have oftentimes been retrograde. In other cases, the SFC recommendations have been disregarded by the state governments or accepted notionally but not implemented. Barring a few states like Kerala and Karnataka, most other states present a depressing trend on the fiscal devolution front.

The constant tussle for power between the state line departments and the PRIs has also not been resolved despite 25 years of supposed institutional reforms. Panchayats have been given control of functionaries in only 9 states, and even there the line departments are allowed leeway to constantly subvert the Panchayat’s authority to determine locally relevant plans. District Planning Committees (DPC) in several states are headed by the district collector or a minister once again undermining PRI control.

Without funds and functionaries to carry out the functions assigned to them, PRIs in most states exist as vacuous symbols of authority.

The proliferation of centrally sponsored schemes further curtails the Panchayat planning space.  Central ministries and state departments have set up parallel structures to implement development schemes on agriculture, health, education, social welfare, women and child development etc. all of which fall within the Panchayat functional domain. These parastatals by-pass the PRIs in all planning and decision making, and even when funds are routed through Panchayats it is given as “tied” grants. This reduces the role of PRIs to mere implementing agencies.

Thus, even as we have moved past the rhetoric of the need for greater democratic decentralisation and are in the implementation phase of PRIs, the state of affairs of Panchayati Raj in India dampens any exuberant romanticism that once surrounded it. One can only hope that sustained political participation at the grassroots level would soon translate into a strong demand for clear mandates of local functioning, greater ability to raise revenues and more autonomy of the Panchayats.

#1 Walking the Tightrope: the future of the IAS

As the Indian bureaucracy completes over 160 years in 2018, former Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer T.R. Raghunanandan reflects on the decisions being taken by the government to reform the IAS and the impact these are likely to have. 

The last three months of staying away from blogging – my longest absence so far from this site – has not been without event. From the unique experience of witnessing a state’s elections from up close as the election agent of a candidate, one argued and bantered on issues concerning the bureaucracy; an eternal favourite subject of discussion on social media.

Three events have shaken the Indian Administrative Service to its very foundations in the meanwhile. The first is a letter from a Joint Secretary of the Union Government, which suggested that selection of officers into the various civil services and – in the case of the All India Services – their allocation to various states, will depend upon the final ranking of the candidate after he or she has attended the Common Foundation Course at the Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration. The second is an advertisement issued by the Union Government, seeking for open selection to the positions of the Joint Secretaries in selected key ministries of the Union Government. The third is the acrimonious showdown between the elected government of the Union Territory of Delhi and the civil servants working with it, which hopefully has now been resolved and a working arrangement of sorts restored.

On each of these issues, discussions within the tribe – I still continue to be a member of it, in spite of my voluntary retirement – have been full of clashing opinions. While officers who continue to serve in office have generally been quiet, or at most, are cautious in their comments, those who have retired have not held back from voicing their concerns. Most comments on these developments have been adverse, though some are optimistic that the changes rung in with the first two decisions will be for the better. Yet, there is unanimity – a rare thing when IAS officers discuss anything – that these events have irreversibly changed the character and the ethos of the service.

Let me say what I think is right, or wrong about these matters. The first issue is whether the final selection of officers into their respective services should depend upon the performance of the officer trainees in the Common Foundation Course.

The Civil Services examination is a trial by fire. There are three levels that have to be cleared till one finds one’s name on the merit list. At each level there is a carnage; a ruthless exclusion of those considered unfit. The first is an objective test that screens participants for the main examination. Nearly a million candidates appear for this examination and not more than ten thousand clear it; that is a selection rate of one candidate per hundred aspirants. Then, these ten thousand or so appear for a written examination comprising several papers, after which about two thousand are selected for face to face interviews. Following the interviews, nearly a thousand are finally selected into a basket of various services. Considered to be at the top; though technically, there is no such hierarchy, is the Indian Administrative Service, to which roughly one hundred and fifty candidates are selected. Then come the Indian Police Service, the Foreign Service, the Revenue Service, the Audits and Accounts Service and so on, again in no particular order of hierarchy, to make up the list of selected candidates.

Given the intensity of the competition, there is very little to distinguish one successful candidate from the other. While some of the top performers are prodigiously brilliant and their final marks are way beyond those obtained by their fellow competitors, as one goes down the merit list, the bunching of successful candidates who have obtained the same number of marks, becomes more and more pronounced. It is not unusual that what separates an individual who makes it into the IAS from one who does not, may be a fraction of a percentage point of marks obtained. Also given that the optional subjects that may be offered by candidates for the written examination ranges from medicine, to engineering, to law and to Chinese, the comparisons of skill and intelligence levels of different candidates is like comparing the proverbial apple with the proverbial orange.

In such circumstances, the successful candidate is bathed in relief and happiness when the results are announced. Since society makes much of them, many succumb to the belief that they are individuals with extraordinary intelligence. But some are intelligent enough to understand that they were lucky to be faced with questions that played to their strengths. It was their good day when they took the examination, and they aced it.

From what I remember, the Common Foundation Course was an endless lark. Nobody, except those officer trainees who were genetically wired to be diligent and sincere – read that as ‘humourless and dour’ – took the Common Foundation Course seriously. The government is being very unfair now, to reduce this celebration of success into another grind, where officers are closely scrutinised, before their fate for the next three decades is decided.

On a more serious note, will this idea of testing the officers during the Foundation course have the effect of improving the quality of the civil services, or is it another extension of the torture of the civil services examination? I will continue this exploration in my next blog. 

The Challenges of Building State Capability in India

In the latest Harvard Center for International Development Speaker Series podcast, Centre for Policy Research President and CEO Yamini Aiyar discusses the challenges of building state capability in India and the functioning of the bureaucracy.

#2 WALKING THE TIGHTROPE: THE FUTURE OF THE IAS

As the Indian bureaucracy completes over 160 years, former Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer T.R. Raghunanandan reflects on the decisions being taken by the government to reform the IAS and the impact these are likely to have. The first part of this blog can be found here.  

Once Officer Trainees are selected, they are all directed to join the Common Foundation Course, an orientation programme that usually starts in the  August of every year.  Since more than 500 individuals now get selected, there is not enough accommodation in the Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration, Mussoorie; so a parallel Common Foundation Course is held in the National Academy of Direct Taxes, Nagpur.

The Common Foundation Course is considered a big milestone; not in terms of the training content imparted, but simply because it is the professional gateway to what is a lifetime of service in the government, for most participants. The academic content comprises hardly anything worth remembering. Once one clears the entrance exam into the civil services, the classes on subjects such as Constitutional law or public administration does not hold one’s attention. The Foundation Course therefore relies on four kinds of activities to keep the participants active and interested.

The first are the classroom sessions where the resource persons are invited experts in their respective fields, or are civil servants with relevant experience. Usually, instead of regular lectures, panel discussions are organised, which stoke the exchange of several perspectives. These give newly recruited officers a preview into life in the government. The second are the after office hours activities. Life is an active social whirl, with plenty of societies formed by the officer trainees, say, for example, in music, theatre, quizzing and suchlike, which conduct competitions and discover that talents of the Officer Trainees go well beyond the ability to pass a tough examination. The third are group activities that involve traveling and immersion into various situations, known as ‘attachments’. Officer trainees, usually in small groups, are attached to various agencies or offices for this immersion. There is a village attachment and a tribal one, as also attachments with prominent NGOs, agricultural universities, Public Sector Undertakings and so on. Officers are attached to units of the armed forces as well. Some of these are undertaken in the Common Foundation Course while others are spread over a two year probationary period. The last are tests and project reports, in which officers, either individually or collectively, reflect upon their experiences, do a modicum of academic study and submit a final report on a chosen subject.

There have been suggestions in the air for more than thirty years that the marks obtained, both in the examinations conducted in the Academy for all participants in the Common Foundation Course, as also the internal assessments based on an assessment of the academic and non academic performance of each candidate, ought to be reckoned for the allocation of services and inter-se ranking. The Kothari Committee on reforms to the selection process for the Civil Services was the first to make this suggestion. However, the government did not accept this recommendation, stating that the assessment process conducted by the Academy was prone to be distorted due to political or other pressures. The government has recently again reopened this issue and asked the suggestion of states on what they thought off the idea.

Will this idea of testing the officers during the Foundation course have the effect of improving the quality of the civil services, or is it another extension of the torture of the civil services examination?

Personally, I think it is a tiresome idea, for several reasons. First, officers who finally make the grade have undergone one of the toughest examination processes, which has screened them from thousand others who did not make it. It just is not fair if a fourth layer of high stakes examinations are going to be held, in order to determine where the officer would be finally slotted. Second, a lot of officers selected for the Foundation Course don’t attend it, as they are again appearing for the civil services examination. How they will be assessed is not known. Third, the UPSC has been a bulwark of impartiality and credibility, when it comes to the selection of civil servants. The Constitution does not envisage that any part of the selection process would be undertaken by a body other than the UPSC. It would be a dilution of this approach if the government wants to conduct another final screening examination before assigning the state in which the officer will serve.

I would let the Foundation Course be. It is meant to be a lark. It is meant to build a sense of unity between people from diverse professions and interest. It is meant to develop social skills, particularly in those who have become mindless recluses because of repeatedly writing the civil services examination. Adding one layer more to the three stage recruitment process is not worth the trouble; it only vitiates the celebratory and cheerful atmosphere of the Academy and replaces it with grim faced examination fever. It would not allow any time for cathartic celebration. I think everybody who writes the civil services exam and succeeds at it, deserves a little bit of time to luxuriate in the feeling of success.

Can we afford to overlook homes in learning outcomes?

As part of an internship at the Accountability Initiative, I had the opportunity to assist and administer surveys in a research project which aims to study how teachers use their time during work hours in government schools across Delhi. My first experience on field taught me that it is not only the school and teachers which play an important part in a student’s life; what happens at home is equally critical. It led me to the following question – why is the home yet to be given adequate attention in policy research and decision making when it comes to learning?

Almost a year ago, the Right to Education Act (RTE) 2009 was amended to include learning outcomes. Simply put, learning outcomes indicate what a child should, ideally, have learnt by the time he or she moves from a grade to a higher one – or what the outcome of the year’s education should have been. These outcomes are to be measured using class-wise and subject-wise lists prepared by the teachers, and assessed by a revised method of evaluation. They are a leap from a system which has primarily focussed on increasing access to schools thus far.

The RTE Act was a landmark law and reinforced the importance of free and compulsory education for children between 6 to 14 years of age. What followed was empirical research analysing the importance of a sound system of public service delivery and this has been the focus ever since. Different aspects of the system such as teacher quality, access to technology and better evaluation systems have been discussed in the policy arena and the government has acted on them as well. Changes made to policies such as the No Detention Policy (NDP) and the Continuous Comprehensive Evaluation (CCE) have showed us how the government is constantly building on the institutional system of public education.

However, can policy research and decision making still afford to overlook the background of students and what they experience at homes?

In the course of interviews I was part of, I noticed caveats to the usual narrative. The most important one being the household environment. Household environment here refers to any happenings inside the home. Even as this is one among different factors which affect learning outcomes of children from economically weaker sections of society, teachers had a lot to say on this. When asked about difficulties teachers faced inside a classroom,they most often stated that the children grasped and retained only a part of what was being taught in class. In addition, as per them, this happens because the children are many times first generation learners, as a consequence of which they do not receive any assistance from the family in revising concepts taught in school.

Parents may also consider education to be a distant priority, if at all. The experience of households made unstable by alcoholism or abuse, they said, led to immediate consequences such as loss of core capacities to learn and interest in studies.

Evidently, consideration of a child’s psycho-social needs when designing or improving a system which tends to their needs is key to the debate on learning.

Learning outcomes should not only be measured as a consequence of facilities provided at the school but should also look at the household environment a student comes from. Otherwise, it seems incorrect and illogical to expect children to learn purely based on increasing teacher quality and access to resources.

राजस्थान में पोषण की स्थिति

हाल ही में नीति आयोग द्वारा देश में पोषण के क्षेत्र में नए सिरे से ध्यान देने के लिए “राष्ट्रीय पोषण रणनीति” (National Nutrition Strategy) शुरू की गई है | ध्यातव्य है की राष्ट्रीय पोषण रणनीति के ढांचे के अंतर्गत कुपोषण मुक्त भारत की परिकल्पना की गई है जो की स्पष्ट रूप से ‘स्वच्छ भारत एवं स्वस्थ भारत’ अभियान से जुड़ी हुई परिकल्पना है | राजस्थान बाकी राज्यों से पोषण दरों पर नीचे है |  अगर पिछले वर्षों में देखा जाए तोह पोषण पर राज्य में आवंटन और सेवायें का बहोत महत्व था |  इनमें लगातार कमियों का कारण जान ना बहोत ज़रूरी है अगर कुपोषण को मिटाना है | 

आंकड़े संगीन है |  राष्ट्रीय परिवार स्वास्थ्य सर्वेक्षण 2015-16 (NFHS-4), के अनुसार राजस्थान में 5 वर्ष से कम आयु के करीब 39.1 प्रतिशत बच्चे औसत से कम लम्बाई के है वहीँ 6-59 महीने के बच्चों में से लगभग 60.3 प्रतिशत बच्चे एनीमिया के शिकार है तथा 5 साल से कम उम्र के बच्चों में लगभग 36.7 प्रतिशत बच्चों का वजन उम्र के अनुसार प्रमाणित वजन से कम पाया गया है | राज्य में 15-49 साल की महिलाओं में से लगभग 46.8 प्रतिशत महिलायें एनीमिया से ग्रस्त है |

भारत सरकार द्वारा संचालित SRS 2016 के अनुसार राज्य में शिशु मृत्यु दर 41 (प्रति हजार जीवित जन्म) है जो राष्ट्रीय औसत (34) से 7 अंक अधिक है | 2011-13 के रेकॉर्ड के अनुसार इसी प्रकार मातृ मृत्यु दर 244 (प्रति लाख जन्म) है जो राष्ट्रीय औसत (167) से 77 अंक अधिक है | अत: इससे स्पष्ट होता है की राज्य में पोषण की स्थिति ख़राब है |

राजस्थान राज्य के प्रमुख अख़बार “दैनिक भास्कर” में 8 सितम्बर 2017 को  प्रकाशित खबर के अनुसार राज्यभर में तीन साल में पांच से कम उम्र के 52 हजार से ज्यादा बच्चों की मौत हुई है | बच्चों की मौत की तीन प्रमुख वजह बताई गई है

  • प्री-मैच्योर डिलीवरी, बच्चों का कम वजन एवं निगरानी का अभाव |
  • निमोनिया और बाकी इन्फेक्शन |
  • क्रोनिक इलनेस, रेफ़र में देरी |

लेकिन राजस्थान में पोषण से सम्बंधित केंद्र एवं राज्य सरकार द्वारा विभिन्न योजनायें एवं कार्यक्रम चलाये जा रहे है जिसमे समेकित बाल विकास सेवाएँ, मिड-डे-मील एवं राजीव गाँधी किशोरी सशक्तिकरण पोषण योजना प्रमुख है| इन योजनाओं एवं कार्यक्रमों के क्रियान्वयन में बजट की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका रहती है |

                                            राज्य पोषण का बजट विवरण  (तालिका संख्या 1)                    

                                                                   (राशि करोड़ में)

       

मद

2016-17

लेखे

2017-18

बजट अनुमान

2017-18

संशोधित अनुमान

2018-19

बजट अनुमान

राजस्व (Revenue)

1420.81

 

1503.54

1574.49

1988.74

पूंजीगत (Capital)

38.43

 

104.80

66.75

52.37

कूल

1459.24

 

1608.34

1641.24

2041.11

स्रोत:- राज्य बजट पुस्तिका, राजस्थान सरकार

ऊपर दी गयी तालिका में मुख्यत: आई.सी.डी.एस. एवं सबला का बजट शामिल है | इस तालिका के अनुसार वित्तीय वर्ष 2017-18 के बजट अनुमान  (₹ 1608.34 करोड़) से वर्ष 2018-19 का बजट अनुमान लगभग ₹ 432.77 करोड़ रुपये ज्यादा है और इसी तरह वर्ष 2017-18 के बजट अनुमान (₹ 1608.34) से वर्ष 2017-18 का संशोधित अनुमान करीब ₹ 33 करोड़ रुपये ज्यादा है | अत: इससे ज्ञात होता है की विगत वित्तीय वर्षों के मुकाबले में पोषण पर आवंटित बजट में बढ़ोतरी की जा रही है |

                                             राज्य बजट में पोषण का हिस्सा (तालिका संख्या 2)    

                                                                     (राशि करोड़ में)

वर्ष

कूल राज्य बजट

पोषण पर कूल आवंटन

प्रतिशत

2016-17 (लेखे)

162099.88

1459.24

 

0.90%

2017-18 (संशोधित अनुमान)

190615.12

1641.24

0.86%

2018-19 (बजट अनुमान)

212274.66

2041.11

0.96%

स्रोत:- राज्य बजट पुस्तिका, राजस्थान सरकार

उपरोक्त तालिका के अनुसार वर्ष 2016-17 में राज्य के कूल बजट अनुमान का 0.90 प्रतिशत पोषण के लिए आवंटित किया गया जो की 2017-18 संशोधित अनुमान में घटकर 0.86 प्रतिशत रह गया | इसके अलावा 2018-19 में राज्य के कूल बजट अनुमान का 0.96 प्रतिशत पोषण के लिए आवंटित किया गया ! इससे पता चलता है की विगत वर्षो में पोषण पर राज्य में आवंटन बढ़ा है , लेकिन बढ़ोतरी बहुत कम है !

                                राज्य में पोषण की मुख्य योजनाओं के बजटीय प्रावधान (तालिका संख्या 3)                  

                                                                        (राशि करोड़ में)

आयोजना

आवंटन

2017-18

बजट अनुमान

2017-18

संशोधित अनुमान

2018-19

बजट अनुमान

समेकित बाल विकास सेवाएँ

कुल बजट

 

1298.34

 

1332.24

 

 

1706.11

 

केंद्र का योगदान

552.44

 

565.47

 

645.40

 

मध्यान्ह भोजन योजना

कुल बजट

438.03

462.97

 

540.00

 

केंद्र का योगदान

283.03

279.07

 

258.00

 

स्रोत:- राज्य बजट पुस्तिका, राजस्थान सरकार

उपरोक्त तालिका में पोषण के लिए केंद्र की प्रमुख योजनाओं के बजटीय प्रावधान को दर्शाती है |

  • समेकित बाल विकास सेवाएँ : वित्तीय वर्ष 2017-18 में आई.सी.डी.एस. पर आवंटित बजट राशि ₹ 1298.34 करोड़ रुपये थी जो की संशोधित बजट में बढ़कर ₹ 1332.24 करोड़ रुपये हो गई | इससे पता चलता है की सरकार बजट राशि बढ़ी है लेकिन यह अभी काफी नहीं है | वर्ष 2017-18 की अनुमानित बजट राशि से 2018-19 की अनुमानित बजट राशि की तुलना में लगभग 31.04 प्रतिशत की बढ़ोतरी की गई |
  • मध्यान्ह भोजन योजना : एम.डी.एम. में वर्ष 2017-18 की अनुमानित बजट राशि से 2018-19 की अनुमानित बजट राशि की तुलना में लगभग ₹ 102 करोड़ रुपये बढ़ोतरी हो गई है |

वर्तमान में राजस्थान सरकार कूल बजट राशि का मात्र 1 प्रतिशत के आस-पास पोषण पर खर्च करती है, यह राज्य की पोषण सम्बन्धी जरूरतों को देखते हुए बहुत कम है | पोषण से जूडी योजनाओं का क्रियान्वयन ठीक तरीके से किया जाए तथा उनके बजट में बढ़ोतरी हो यह ज़रूरी है  | पिछले वर्षों की तुलना में पोषण के लिए आवंटित बजट में सामान्य बढ़ोतरी  आई है जिसका सीधा असर स्वास्थ्य से जुड़े सूचकों पर पड़ सकता है |

______________________________

सूत्र: राष्ट्रीय पोषण रणनीति मसौदा- नीति आयोग, भारत सरकार,

दैनिक भास्कर, जयपुर , राजस्थान

राष्ट्रीय परिवार स्वास्थ्य सर्वेक्षण 2015-16 प्रतिवेदन

आर्थिक समीक्षा प्रतिवेदन 2016-17 प्रतिवेदन, राजस्थान सरकार

राज्य बजट पुस्तिका, राजस्थान सरकार

हम और हमारी सरकार शासन साक्षरता के लिए नयी पहल

आवश्यक सार्वजनिक सेवाओं की गुणवत्ता कमजोर है, नागरिक भी अक्सर इस तरह के चूक के लिए उत्तरदायी राज्य को पकड़ने में असमर्थ हैं। रजिका सेठ Accountability Initiative में उत्तरदायित्व पहल की शिक्षा और विकास का नेतृत्व करती हैं।​ वह सिविल सोसाइटी संगठनों और जमीनी प्रशासकों की क्षमता बनाने के लिए अपने तरह के पहले कोर्स – हम और हमारी सरकार – के बारे में बताती हैं।

हम और हमरी सरकार के पाठ्यक्रम के पीछे क्या विचार है?

सरकार आम तौर पर समाज के लोगों की बेहतरी के लिए अलग-अलग योजनायें बनाती है। परन्तु अक्सर हम-आप सभी ने यह महसूस किया है कि ये जो सेवाएं हमें मिलती हैं, उनका लाभ हमें बेहतर तरीके से समय पर नहीं मिल पाता है। इससे मालुम चलता है कि सरकार की तरफ से जवाबदेही की बड़ी कमी है।

जब हमें सेवाओं का लाभ समय पर बेहतर तरीके से नहीं मिल पाता है, तब हम सरकार को भ्रष्ट कहकर अपना अंतिम निर्णय सुना देते हैं। यदि भ्रष्टाचार को छोड़ दें तो इसके अलावा क्या हमने कभी सरकार के अंदर झाँकने कि कोशिश की है कि क्यों ऐसा है कि शिक्षा में अच्छी गुणवत्ता नहीं है, क्यों पैसा समय पर लाभार्थी को नहीं मिल पाता, आखिर स्वास्थ्य सेवाएं क्यों बेहतर नहीं हो पा रहीं हैं? इन्हीं तरह के कई सवालों के जवाब यह पैसा कोर्स– ‘हम और हमारी सरकार’ हमारे प्रतिभागियों को देता है ताकि हमारे प्रतिभागी सरकार को बहुत करीब से समझें और उसके बाद वे सरकार के साथ और ज्यादा बेहतर तरीके से काम कर सकें।

इस कोर्स के लक्षित प्रतिभागी हर क्षेत्र में कार्य कर रहीं सामाजिक संस्थाओं के ज़मीमी स्थर के कर्मचारी और पंचायत प्रतिनिधि एवं पंचायत अधिकारी हैं। यह कोर्स हिंदी में करवाया जाता है।

इस कोर्स का महत्व क्या है?

हमारे प्रतिभागी पहले से ही बेहतर सेवा वितरण के लिए अलग-अलग क्षेत्रों में काम कर रहीं संस्थाओं में अपनी सेवाएं दे रहें हैं और किसी न किसी रूप में सरकार के साथ जुड़े हैं। ये क्षेत्र कोई भी हो सकते हैं चाहे वह शिक्षा हो, स्वास्थ्य हो, कृषि हो या फिर अन्य कोई क्षेत्र। हमारे पैसा कोर्स का उदेश्य यही है कि एक बेहतर सेवा वितरण प्रणाली की व्यवस्था हो। इसलिए आवश्यक है कि हमारे प्रतिभागी पहले सरकार की प्रशासनिक एवं वित्तीय व्यवस्था के साथ उसमें काम कर रहे लोगों को भी नजदीकी से समझें। जब हमारे प्रतिभागी सरकार की इस व्यवस्था को अच्छे ढंग से समझ पाएंगे और जान पायेंगे कि वास्तव में समस्याएं  कहाँ-कहाँ पर हैं, तभी वे सरकार के साथ जुड़कर ज्यादा बेहतर तरीके से काम कर पायेंगे।

इस कोर्स की विशेषता यही है कि यह कोर्स शुरुआत से अंत तक प्रतिभागियों को ज़मीनी हक़ीकत से अवगत करवाता है और उनके खुद के अनुभवों को बुनते हुए उनकी सरकारी कामकाज पर पकड़ को और मजबूत बनाता है। इस पैसा कोर्स को मुख्य रूप से तीन मोड्यूल में बांटा है:

मोड्यूल 1 – सरकार कौन है?

मोड्यूल 2 – सरकार कैसे चलती है?

मोड्यूल 3 – सरकार और जनता का रिश्ता क्या है?

इस कोर्स के प्रतिभागियों क्या सीखेंगे?

  • इस कोर्स को करने के बाद प्रतिभागी समझ पायंगे कि विकेंद्रीकरण क्या है और साथ ही भारत में विकेंद्रीकरण की आवश्यकता और ज़मीनी हकीकत पर अपनी समझ बना पायेंगे। कोर्स के बाद प्रतिभागी स्वयं विश्लेषण कर पाएंगे कि सरकार और उसमें काम कर रहे नौकरशाह कौन हैं और उनको समझना क्यों जरुरी है। वे समझ पाएंगे कि नौकरशाहों के काम करने के तरीके से सेवा वितरण पर क्या प्रभाव पड़ता है।
  • साथ ही हमारे प्रतिभागी सामाजिक क्षेत्र के कार्यक्रमों, योजनाओं, बजट, निधि प्रवाह और इन सभी में जटिलताओं को समझ पाएंगे। वे समझ पायेंगे कि क्यों पैसा जमीनी स्तर पर समय पर नहीं पहुँच पाता और इसे पहुंचाने में कहाँ पर सरकार की तरफ से चूक हो जाती है, जिससे सेवा वित्तरण पर प्रभाव पड़ता है।
  • इस कोर्स में प्रतिभागी यह भी सीखेंगे की सरकार सेवा वितरण में सुधार लाने के लिए क्या कदम उठा सकती है। इस कोर्स के बाद हमारे प्रतिभागी यह भी सीख पाएंगे कि क्यों सरकार को समझने के साथ-साथ जनता तथा उनसे जुड़ी हुई अलग-अलग समस्याओं को भी जानना बहुत आवश्यक है और कैसे दोनों सरकार और जनता मिलकर सेवा वित्तरण प्रणाली में सुधार ला सकती है ।

 

पाठ्यक्रम के लिए कौन पंजीकरण कर सकता है और लोग कैसे शामिल हो सकते हैं?

अभी के लिए, पाठ्यक्रम जमीनी स्तर पर काम कर रहे संगठनों के लिए खुला है। विवरण यहां पाया जा सकता है और मुझे प्रश्नों के लिए [email protected] पर पहुंचा जा सकता है।

Social Audits: The Indian Experience

Social audits have been adapted very organically into the implementation process of a number of schemes in India. This blog explores why and how citizens can use social audits as a monitoring tool for government schemes and programmes. 

What is a social audit?

In the context of government schemes, a social audit is an accountability tool that measures, evaluates, identifies gaps in service delivery and elicits promises to rectify these gaps with the direct participation of intended beneficiaries in this process. In its essence, social auditing is a monitoring tool that empowers citizens to not only keep a track of utilisation of funds but most importantly gauge the effectiveness of a scheme by looking at its impact, whether the scheme has been beneficial for its target audience and allows an organisation to evaluate the sustainable roll out of a scheme.

The word ‘audit’ is derived from the Latin term ‘audire’ which means ‘to hear’.  True to its etymology, a very important component of a social audit is the public hearing that follows the evaluation process, where informed citizens raise concerns that are addressed in real time by the concerned authority figures with promises of immediate rectification.

The process of social auditing of government schemes is fairly straightforward. For instance, under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 (MGNREGA) which enshrined social audits in the Act, the first step is to gather all the records regarding the scheme such as muster rolls, maintained by the administration are collected and pored over. Based on these readings, surveys are prepared and social auditors administer the surveys across the geographical area of the audit and also conduct spot inspections.

During the survey, awareness about the scheme is also generated, letting the recipients themselves bridge the gap between what the scheme offered and what they actually got (which might throw up glaring disparities in service delivery). The participants in the survey are then called for a ‘jan sunwai’ (public hearing) which is attended by Gram Sabha members, local administrative officers, the point person for the scheme and sometimes even local politicians. Based on the findings from the survey and their newly realised grievances, citizens are in a position to question lacunae in fund and work allocation, completion reports on status of work and distribution of benefits. An attempt is then made to reconcile issues on the spot and where relevant, future administrative action is promised, with scope for follow-up on such actions.

How is a social audit useful?

As is evident, social audits help empower citizens to be directly involved in the programmes of a welfare state and to raise grievances before an authority figure(s), instead of being mute recipients of government doles. A realisation of what one is entitled to by law and the empowerment that comes along with demanding this rightful entitlement is a happy by-product of a social audit.

From the perspective of the agency that is implementing the scheme, it is a means to evaluate how the scheme is being rolled out, identify lacunae that are impeding service delivery and to an extent, even for relationship building with a community to disperse feelings of mistrust and disenchantment.

What can be audited?

Statutorily, quite a few schemes have made social audits a necessary part of their implementation. As mentioned earlier, MGNREGA is one of the frontrunners in this aspect, with the Act having mandated social audits every six months to monitor whether works are in consonance with the annual village plans. The CAG has also prepared the MGNREGA Audit of Schemes Rules in furtherance of this mandate. The National Food Security Act endorses periodic social audits of fair price shops, targeted PDS and other welfare schemes under the Act. Guidelines for monitoring implementation of the Mid-Day Meal scheme through social audits are also in place.

More recently, governments in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand have initiated social audits of development projects and welfare schemes related to rural areas. The CAG has also recommended social audit of local bodies’ schemes for better accountability of the effectiveness of fund allocation.

In a recent development, Meghalaya became the first state in India to legislate a Social Audit law which makes social audit of state-run schemes mandatory.

Who can conduct a social audit?

The Department of Rural Development in states like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Meghalaya have set up their Society for Social Audit and Transparency which are autonomous institutions that conduct social audits of the MGNREG Scheme. This is in furtherance of the Social Audit Manual of the Ministry of Rural Development which requires every State to set up an independent Social Audit Unit consisting of resource persons from the State, District and Village as well as experts on relevant themes.

Social audits are conducted in partnership with civil society organisations, with auditors emerging from among scheme beneficiaries, who are trained over a period of time on how to conduct a social audit. Since awareness generation is an important component of these audits, it becomes necessary to have conduits who can be relied upon to transfer factually correct information.

A successful social audit requires a bureaucratic will to listen and to remedy and a strategy to mobilise in order to air discontent without being confrontational. An audit does not end with a ‘jan sunwai’ but requires follow up of promises and concurrent actions, without which it would just become another mundane exercise in identifying gaps that may or may not get rectified.

To learn more about the process, limits and potential of conducting social audits, click here.