‘हम और हमारी सरकार’ ऑनलाइन कोर्स के बारे में अहम बातें

भारत एक विशाल देश है और सभी लोगों तक मूलभूत सेवाएं पहुँचाने के लिए केंद्र एवं राज्य सरकारें अनेकों योजनायें बनाती हैं | लेकिन इसके बावजूद भी बहुत से नागरिकों तक सरकारी सेवाएं नहीं पहुँच पाती हैं |

सभी नागरिकों तक सरकारी सेवाएं पहुँचाना चुनौतीपूर्ण क्यों हैं ?

एकाउंटेबिलिटी इनिशिएटिव द्वारा शुरू किया गया ‘हम और हमारी सरकार’ कोर्स ऐसे ही सवालों के जबाव देने का प्रयास करता है | एकाउंटेबिलिटी इनिशिएटिव रिसर्च ग्रुप के तौर पर हम पिछले कई वर्षों से शासन में जवाबदेही और पारदर्शिता को मज़बूत करने पर काम कर रहे हैं | हम सामाजिक क्षेत्र की योजनाओं का सरकारी आंकड़ों तथा अपने ज़मीनी स्तर पर किये जाने वाले अध्ययनों के आधार पर विश्लेषण करते हैं | इन्ही शोध अध्ययनों के आधार पर ‘हम और हमारी सरकार’ कोर्स का समेकन किया गया है |

 

इस कोर्स की क्या विशेषता है ?

यह कोर्स सरकार की संकल्पना के साथ-साथ भारत में विकेंद्रीकरण की व्यवस्था से भी अवगत कराता है | कौन लोग सरकार चलाते हैं, पैसा केंद्र से स्थानीय स्तर तक कैसे पहुँचता है, किस तरह की अड़चने आती हैं जिसकी वजह से यह लाभार्थियों तक समय पर नहीं पहुँच पाता, ऐसे कई सवालों पर ‘हम और हमारी सरकार’ कोर्स चर्चा करता है |

 

यह कोर्स क्यों ज़रूरी है ?

नागरिकों को सेवाएं देना सरकार का कर्तव्य है, और अगर सेवाएं बेहतर तरीके से ना मिलें तो अलग-अलग तरीके से प्रतिक्रियाएं देना नागरिकों का अधिकार भी है | परन्तु इसके लिए एक जागरूक नागरिक के तौर पर हमें पहले यह समझना होगा कि सरकार की संरचना कैसी है |

‘हम और हमारी सरकार’ कोर्स समस्याओं के साथ-साथ समाधान पर भी चर्चा करता हैं | केस स्टडीज के माध्यम से यह कोर्स बताता है कि कैसे संस्थाएं सरकार में बैठे लोगों के साथ जुड़कर अपने काम को अधिक प्रभावशील बना सकती हैं | बिहार, राजस्थान, मध्य प्रदेश, तथा हिमाचल प्रदेश जैसे राज्यों में ज़मीनी स्तर पर कार्य करने वाली विभिन्न संस्थाओं में कार्यरत लोगों ने यह कोर्स किया है |

 

कोविड-19 के दौरान यह कोर्स किस तरह से चलाया जा रहा है ?

कोविड-19 एक ऐसी त्रासदी के रूप में सामने आया जिसके प्रभाव से हर कोई अनभिज्ञ था | पिछले साल कई संस्थाओं द्वारा हमें कोर्स कराने के लिए आमंत्रित भी किया जा रहा था लेकिन स्थिति को देखते हुए कोर्स के लिए विभिन्न राज्यों में जा पाना संभव नहीं था | हमारी टीम ने लॉकडाउन के समय इसके समाधान पर चिन्तन शुरू किया |

संस्थाओं की मांग को देखते हुए हमने ‘हम और हमारी सरकार’ कोर्स को ऑनलाइन प्लेटफार्म पर ले जाने का निर्णय लिया | ऑफलाइन कोर्स की तरह ऑनलाइन कोर्स की गुणवत्ता को कायम रखना हमारे लिए बेहद चुनौतीपूर्ण था |

हमारी टीम ने कुछ महीनों की मेहनत के बाद कोर्स की गुणवत्ता और सभी मानकों को ध्यान में रखते हुए इस कोर्स का ऑनलाइन प्रारूप तैयार किया | यह ऑनलाइन कोर्स अब लोगों के साथ साझा कर दिया गया है और विभिन्न संस्थाओं से साथी इस प्लेटफार्म के ज़रिये हमसे जुड़ रहे हैं |

 

आप इस कोर्स से कैसे जुड़ सकते हैं

 हम और हमारी सरकार‘ ऑनलाइन कोर्स से जुड़ने के लिए यहाँ रजिस्टर करें |

हमने एक ऐसी संस्थागत व्यवस्था भी बना रखी है जिसके तहत कोर्स पूरा होने के बाद भी हम आपके साथ जुड़े रहेंगे | इसी व्यवस्था के अंतर्गत प्रतिभागी शासन से जुड़े किसी भी सवाल को हमसे [email protected] पर पूछ सकते हैं | हमारी टीम उन सवालों का जवाब एक सप्ताह के अंदर देने का प्रयास करती है |

 

इंद्रेश Accountability Initiative में सीनियर पैसा एसोसिएट के तौर पर काम कर रहे हैं |

 

यह भी देखें:

पॉलिसी बज़्ज़

विभिन्न कल्याणकारी योजनाओं में क्या घटित हो रहा है, इसको लेकर आपको हर 15 दिन के अंदर यह पॉलिसी बज़्ज़ अपडेट करता है |

 

नीतियों से सबंधित खबरें

  • केंद्र सरकार ने फिर से प्रधानमंत्री गरीब कल्याण योजना शुरू कर दी है | राष्ट्रीय खाध सुरक्षा अधिनियम के तहत 800 मिलियन से अधिक लाभार्थियों को मई और जून 2021 में अतिरिक्त 5 किलोग्राम गेहूं या चावल और 1 किलोग्राम चना मुफ्त मिलेगा ।

करोनावायरस आधारित खबरें

  • भारत में 1 मई 2021 से कोरोनावायरस टीकाकरण कार्यक्रम के तीसरे चरण की शुरुआत हो गई है, जिसके तहत 18 वर्ष से अधिक आयु के सभी लोग टीका लगवाने के लिए पात्र हैं ।
  • हैदराबाद में 150,000 स्पुतनिक वी की खुराक पहुँच गयी है । अगले कुछ हफ्तों में इस रूसी टीके की और अधिक खुराक आने की उम्मीद है ।
  • विश्व स्वास्थ्य संगठन ने अमेरिकी बायोटेक कंपनी मॉडर्ना की mRNA Covid-19 वैक्सीन को आपातकालीन उपयोग के लिए टीके की अपनी सूची में शामिल किया है |
  • केंद्रीय प्रदूषण नियंत्रण बोर्ड ने लगभग 30 उद्योगों की पहचान की है जिनके नाइट्रोजन संयंत्रों को मेडिकल ऑक्सीजन के उत्पादन के लिए परिवर्तित किया जाएगा ।

अन्य

  • विश्व मौसम विज्ञान संगठन ने 2020 के लिए अपनी वार्षिक ‘स्टेट ऑफ द ग्लोबल क्लाइमेट’ रिपोर्ट जारी की है | रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, कूलिंग ला नीना इवेंट के बावजूद वर्ष 2020 तीन सबसे गर्म वर्षों में से एक था ।

 

यह लेख पॉलिसी बज़्ज़ के अंग्रेजी संस्करण पर आधारित है जो 3 मई 2021 को प्रकाशित हुआ था |

पॉलिसी बझ

कल्याणकारी धोरणात जे घडत आहे त्या प्रत्येक पंधरवड्यात प्रकाशित झालेल्या बातम्यांच्या निवडीसह अद्ययावत रहा.

 

धोरणा संबंधित बातम्या

  • केंद्र सरकारने पंतप्रधान गरीब कल्याण योजना पुन्हा सुरू केली. राष्ट्रीय अन्न सुरक्षा कायद्यांतर्गत 800 दशलक्षाहून अधिक लाभार्थ्यांना मे आणि जून 2021 मध्ये अतिरिक्त 5 किलो गहू किंवा तांदूळ आणि 1 किलो हरभरा मोफत मिळणार आहे.

कोरोना संबंधित बातम्या

  • भारताने 1 मे 2021 रोजी आपल्या कोरोनाव्हायरस लसीकरण कार्यक्रमाच्या तिसर्‍या टप्प्यास प्रारंभ केला, ज्या अंतर्गत 18 वर्षांपेक्षा जास्त वयोगटातील सर्व लोक स्वत: ला लसी देण्यास पात्र आहेत.
  • हैदराबादमध्ये 1,50,000 स्पुतनिक व्ही डोसची पहिली खेप भारताला मिळाली. पुढच्या काही आठवड्यांमध्ये रुसी लसीची अधिक पोचली जाईल.
  • जागतिक आरोग्य संघटने ने अमेरिकन बायोटेक कंपनी मॉडर्नची mRNA कोविड -19 या लसीचा समावेश आपत्कालीन वापरासाठी लसींच्या यादीत केला आहे.
  • केंद्रीय प्रदूषण नियंत्रण मंडळ (सी.पी.सी.बी) ने जवळपास 30 उद्योगांची ओळख पटविली आहे ज्यांचे नायट्रोजन प्लांटमध्ये वैद्यकीय ऑक्सिजन तयार करण्यासाठी सुधारिना केले जाईल.

इतर बातम्या

  • जागतिक हवामान संघटनेने (डब्ल्यू.एम.ओ) 2020 साठीचा वार्षिक ‘स्टेट ऑफ द ग्लोबल क्लायमेट’ अहवाल जाहीर केला. अहवालानुसार, ला नीना इव्हेंटला कूलिंग मिळाल्यानंतर ही 2020 सर्वात उबदार वर्षांपैकी एक होता.

 

हा लेख पॉलिसी बझच्या इंग्रजी आवृत्तीवर आधारित आहे जो 3 मई 2021 रोजी प्रकाशित झाला.

‘मुझे अपनी पहचान बनाने का मौका मिला है’

यह साक्षात्कार कोविड-19 रिसर्च फ़ंडिंग प्रोग्राम 2020 के तहत अज़ीम प्रेमजी विश्वविद्यालय द्वारा एक शोध अध्ययन के भाग के रूप में आयोजित किया गया था । यह अध्ययन महामारी के दौरान राजस्थान और हिमाचल प्रदेश में फ्रंटलाइन वर्कर्स के अनुभवों का विश्लेषण करता है ।

 

प्रश्न: पिछले कई महीनों से आप कोविड-19 संबंधित कार्यों से जुड़ी हैं । कृपया अपने COVID-19 महामारी से जुड़े कर्तव्यों तथा सामान्य कर्तव्यों का संक्षिप्त विवरण दें

आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ता: मुझे COVID-19 से संबंधित काम के लिए अपना गाँव ही आवंटित किया गया था । मेरी सबसे बड़ी ज़िम्मेदारी लोगों का सर्वेक्षण करना था । मुझे घर-घर जाना था, खासकर उन लोगों के यहाँ जो गाँव में बाहर से आये थे, लक्षणों की जांच करनी थी, दिशा निर्देश देने थे, और उन्हें अलग रहने का प्रोटोकॉल समझाना था ।

मैंने बच्चों को पढ़ाने की अपनी ज़िम्मेदारी भी जारी रखी थी, लेकिन क्योंकि हम उन्हें केंद्र में इकट्ठा नहीं कर सकते थे, इसीलिए मैं उनके घरों में जाकर उन्हें पढ़ाती थी । टीकाकरण तथा लोगों को राशन देने का कार्य भी घर-घर जाकर ही हुआ ।

यह मेरा काम नहीं था लेकिन फिर भी मैंने लोगों को खाद्यान्न प्राप्त करने में मदद की । ‘खाद्य सुरक्षा योजना’ के तहत लोगों के लिए गेहूं की उपलब्धता थी, लेकिन मेरे गांव में किसी को भी इसकी जानकारी नहीं थी । इसीलिए मैंने उनके आधार कार्ड और राशन कार्ड जैसे आवश्यक दस्तावेज़ जमा करवा कर उन्हें इस योजना का लाभ दिलवाने में मदद की ।

टेक होम राशन, टीकाकरण, और गर्भवती महिलाओं और कुपोषित बच्चों की रिपोर्ट्स भेजते रहना भी मेरी ज़िम्मेदारी थी ।

 

प्रश्न: अन्य फ्रंटलाइन वर्कर्स के साथ आपके संबंध कैसे हैं ? आप एक दूसरे के साथ किस तरह से तालमेल बैठाते हैं ?

आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ता: जो फ्रंटलाइन वर्कर्स महामारी टास्कफोर्स का हिस्सा थे उन्हें एक दूसरे के साथ तालमेल बैठाकर काम करना पड़ता था लेकिन मैं इस टास्कफोर्स का हिस्सा नहीं थी ।

नियमित टीकाकरण के दौरान एक बार जब बच्चों की संख्या ज़्यादा थी तब आशा कार्यकर्ताओं ने मेरी मदद की थी । हमने बच्चों को पाँच समूहों में बाँट दिया था ताकि टीकाकरण शिविर में अव्यवस्था न हो । जो बच्चे शिविर में आने में असमर्थ थे, उनके लिए घर-घर जाकर टीकाकरण कराने में भी आशा कार्यकर्ताओं ने मदद की थी ।

 

प्रश्न: क्या महामारी से जुड़े अपने कार्यों को करने के लिए आपको अपने सुपरवाइज़र से समर्थन या मदद मिलती थी ?

आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ता: सुपरवाइज़र से कोई मदद नहीं मिलती थी, वे कहते थे कि ‘यह आपका अपना गाँव है, आप इसे संभालना जानते हैं’ । उनके पास बहुत ज़्यादा काम था क्योंकि उन्हें महामारी टास्कफोर्स का ध्यान रखना था, वे सभी से रिपोर्ट लेते थे और अपडेट मांगते थे । इस कारण भी वे मेरे साथ फील्ड के काम में शामिल नहीं हो पाते थे ।

मैंने उन्हें रिपोर्ट भेजने में कभी देरी नहीं की, लेकिन उन्होंने मुझे आश्वासन दिया था कि अगर कभी देरी होती है, तो उसमें कोई बड़ी समस्या नहीं होगी ।

उन्होंने सभी कार्यों के समन्वय के लिए पंचायत, पटवारी, चिकित्सा अधिकारी तथा फ्रंटलाइन वर्कर्स के साथ मासिक बैठकें भी की । यह बैठकें हमारे लिए कोविड-19 प्रोटोकॉल का रिफ्रेशर सेशन भी थीं ।

 

प्रश्न: महामारी के दौरान आपको काम करने की प्रेरणा कहाँ से मिली ?

आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ता: मेरी प्रेरणा का सबसे बड़ा कारण है कि यह नौकरी मेरी आय का एकमात्र स्रोत है, इसीलिए मेरे पास इसे तत्परता से करने के अलावा कोई विकल्प नहीं है ।

हालाँकि, महामारी के दौरान लोगों ने मुझे और मेरे काम को बहुत सराहा । लोग मुझे आशीर्वाद देते हैं, यह आशीर्वाद मेरे लिए किसी भी वेतन या प्रोत्साहन से ऊपर है ।

फ्रंटलाइन वर्कर होने के नाते मुझे अपना खुद का नाम बनाने का मौका मिला । शादी के बाद महिलाओं को उनके पति की पहचान से ही जाना जाता है, लेकिन इस नौकरी के कारण मुझे अपनी पहचान बनाने का भी मौका मिला ।

 

यह साक्षात्कार जयपुर, राजस्थान में 8 जनवरी 2021 को आयोजित किया गया  था ।

इसी तरह के और अनुभवों को अंग्रेजी में पढ़ने के लिए Inside Districts platform पर जाएँ ।

‘I Know that My Work, My Profession Is Important to This Country’

This interview was conducted as a part of a research study funded by the Azim Premji University under the COVID-19 Research Funding Programme 2020. The study delves into the experiences of frontline workers in Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh during the COVID-19 pandemic.

It was conducted with an ASHA in Solan, Himachal Pradesh on 5 January 2021 in Hindi, and has been translated.

 

Q: During the past several months, you have been involved with pandemic-related work. Can you give a brief overview of what your pandemic and non-pandemic duties were?

ASHA: The nature of my work has changed quite a bit. From March-May 2020, I was only engaged in pandemic-related work because my other responsibilities like immunisations, taking care of pregnant women, and prescribing medication to children were all reduced to only emergency cases.

In this period, my primary work was to go door-to-door, take samples, and check for any active cases of COVID-19. I was also spreading awareness about the virus and educating people on social distancing, and the usage of masks, and sanitisers.

However, after May 2020, when the lockdown restrictions were relaxed, my workload increased a lot because I had to resume immunisation and other duties like taking weights of pregnant women and children. I had to do this for all the 13 villages that were assigned to me.

Due to the apprehensions about the virus, people were skeptical to come to the Primary Health Centres for normal check-ups. So, they would call me and ask me to deliver them the medicines at their homes. This increased my work because I had to keep travelling all the time.

During this entire period, the scope of my work also drastically changed. Earlier, I would only cater to women (especially pregnant women) and children. At most I would see elderly patients, but now all the people in a household are my responsibility, and they all feel comfortable in consulting me for any health-related issues.

Q: What was your relationship with other Frontline Workers (Auxiliary Nurse Midwives or ANMs, other Anganwadi Workers or AWWs, and ASHAs) or other Corona Warriors in your area post the pandemic? For instance, how did you coordinate with each other?

ASHA: There was coordination, there still is. However, my coordination was limited to my fellow ASHA workers, and ANMs. I only coordinated with AWWs during the Active Case Finding (ACF) phase, which started in February 2020.

But ANMs and we (ASHAs) were like one single team. My day would start with talking to them about the tasks, and how we should divide the work in a way that everything could be covered.

We were mostly going door-to-door, so whenever ANMs would get done with their tasks, they would accompany us and help us out.

Whenever I would face problems in the family, or if I had to go take care of my children, I would inform my ANM didi and she would fill in for me.

Q: What has motivated you to come to work and carry out your activities during the pandemic?

ASHA: My motivation has changed a lot in 2020. I was never interested in the field of medicine and health. I was working at Akashvaani before. But I had to change my job when I got married.

My only motivation before the pandemic was that this was the job which was giving me some money and helping me manage my house finances. However, the past 9-10 months have changed it all. People have started to salute me, they appreciate me, and they call me ‘Corona Warrior’. All of this makes me feel that I am capable of doing something important, and I like that feeling; it drives me to work more and work better.

Earlier, nobody knew who I am and what I do. Now, wherever I go everyone knows me, everyone knows my work, and everyone appreciates it. People also listen to me. All the villages assigned to me have been very cooperative and they patiently obey the rules because they trust me and my expertise. This is a great feeling, and has always motivated me!

I also received a lot of certificates for my work during COVID-19. I got one from my society; one from the Panchayat, and one from the hospital as well. But apart from this, monetary incentives were also a motivation driver. I know that a lot of frontline workers didn’t get the money on time, but everyone in my team did, and that encouraged us to work more.

Q: Have you faced challenges in carrying out your work?

ASHA: One of the biggest challenges was to manage the sudden increase of workload. I have 13 villages under me, and I don’t have a transport facility, so I have to either walk or take the bus to go to the Primary Health Centre (PHC). I never received any reimbursement for the money I spent to take buses, or to hire any vehicles to travel, which is why I often just walked.

Moreover, this work also requires a lot of spontaneity, which I wasn’t ready for. I would get calls out of nowhere to come and do check-ups, which was very tough to manage because I also had to manage my family and housework.

Another challenge was that sometimes people would not allow us to enter their homes. This one time a lot of people from Delhi arrived in the village, and we were given strict instructions to quarantine them in a government institution. When we went to them for this, they lashed out at us and refused to cooperate. My supervisors were very helpful during this time because they called the police and asked them to take over the matter.

Managing the family was also a huge challenge. Because of my pandemic-related work, I was not able to give time to my kids at all and it frustrated my in-laws as well as my husband. They were also not supportive of me working long hours at the PHC.

Lastly, these days a huge problem is also with vaccines. People feel hesitant to even get checked because they feel that if they test positive, I will give them the vaccine and they are wary because there isn’t enough evidence about its efficacy. I have been trying to tell them that their health will never be compromised, but they are still very scared.

Q. How did you overcome the challenges that you faced?

ASHA: To cope with the spontaneity of this job, I started waking up early to do my household chores. I also tried to explain to my family the importance of this work.

In terms of challenges related to the workload, I would just remind myself of the larger context in which I am working.

In the beginning, I was very shy — we’re all women, and for us to suddenly have to go to random houses to do field work was a huge deal. We found it to be so difficult, but I would remind myself of my duty towards the country. Look at me now, you can ask me to go anywhere, anytime, and I will go without any hesitation because I know that my work, my profession is important to this country.

 

More experiences can be found on the dedicated Inside Districts platform.

The 15th Finance Commission and Changes in the Devolution Formula: Which States Stand to Lose?

The previous blog explored the overall compositional change in the aggregate transfers to states. The 15th Finance Commission has tried to finely balance two competing objectives – provide adequate resources to states, as well as take a pragmatic approach toward India’s economic recovery following the COVID-19 pandemic.

Nevertheless, states lost out on both the size of the divisible pool as a percentage of GDP (due to lower generation of revenues as well as a higher proportion of cesses and surcharges levied [1]). The fiscal autonomy of resources (due to higher proportions of conditional transfers) was also weakened.

In this blog, we examine the devolution formula that the 15th Finance Commission has proposed,and look at the possible implications for states as a result of these changes.

The devolution of resources to states is not discretionary to the Union government. It is based on a formulaic transfer of resources to states, determined by the Finance Commission. The tax devolution formula is based on the principles of need, equity, and efficiency. In other words, the formula is progressive – states in need of higher assistance receive a larger share of funds devolved.

This devolution formula is based on certain indicators. The Finance Commission, after several rounds of deliberations with states, ministries, local bodies, and the civil society, selects the parameters that are most representative of state needs [2]. They also assign appropriate weights to each of these parameters, keeping the core principles of devolution intact. 

The 15th Finance Commission made some changes to the parameters that have been used for the devolution formula. There are three changes of note:  

 

1. The use of the 2011 population metric

After members of a Finance Commission are appointed, the Union government sends them a Terms of Reference (TOR).

The TOR of the 15th Finance Commission [3] had earlier created a furore among states [Terms of Reference (15th FC), 2017]. This was due to the Union government directing the then newly formed Commission to use Census 2011 as the metric for population, as opposed to the dated 1971 metric that the previous Commissions had been using [4]

The use of population has long been approved by the Union and states as a simple and effective metric for capturing inequality and inter se challenges for the provision of public services. The higher the population in a state, the more the state government would have to pay to provide for basic services to all its residents. The 7th Finance Commission was the first to use the 1971 population metric and it has been used by all subsequent Commissions as part of the formulaic determination of resource entitlements for different states from the divisible pool [5].

The debate around the use of the 2011 metric instead of the 1971 metric had been ongoing for some time. The 14th Finance Commission had, in its report, mentioned that the use of the 1971 Census data was “unfair” as it failed to capture new demographic changes in states [6].

The TOR for the 15th Finance Commission clearly advocated the use of the 2011 metric in lieu of the 1971 metric. The Union government argued that the 1971 metric was not representative of the newer population trends across states.

Not only had states witnessed diverging population trends since 1971 in terms of natural growth rates and age structures, but migration due to labour and other factors had also changed the demography within states. These newer changes were much more accurately captured from the more recent  Census survey (2011) rather than the one in 1971, the government proposed.

However, several states disagreed. This led to what came to be known as the North-South debate. Southern states such as Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh Telangana, and Kerala claimed that the decision to use 2011 parameters overlooked a crucial policy development of Family Planning that had begun in those states in the 1970s [7]. As a result, southern states, in comparison to their northern counterparts, had managed to temper their population growth much more rapidly during the 1970-2010 period. 

Thus, according to these states, using the 2011 parameter as one of the factors to determine state share within the divisible pool would mean an advantage for the northern states with larger populations. The southern states, therefore, claimed that their successful policy implementation, including that of family planning campaigns, was effectively being penalised.

 

2. The demographic performance

The 15th Finance Commission navigated this challenge with the introduction of a balancing parameter in the devolution formula.

Even though the Commission accepted the TOR and used the 2011 population statistic, they introduced ‘demographic performance’ as a parameter, which is basically a proxy for population control. It was introduced to balance the use of the 2011 population metric and reward states that had been effectively curbing population growth since the 1970s.

 

Table 1: Corresponding weights of parameters selected to determine the vertical devolution

 

So, did the demographic performance parameter help Southern states? Let us take a look at its finer details.

The demographic performance is measured with the help of a statistic known as ‘total fertility rate’. Total fertility rate (TFR) is the average number of children born to a fertile woman through her/their child-bearing years. The inverse of the TFR has been used by the 15th Finance Commission to calculate the demographic performance. For example, if the typical child-bearing woman has two children in Gujarat, the TFR of Gujarat will be 0.5. 

Conceptually, the lower the TFR of a state (or lower the average number of children born to a woman), the higher should be its share of the 12.5 per cent of the divisible pool (the overall weight assigned) that is determined by this parameter (refer to Table 1).

However, as per the Commission’s methodology, the simple inverse of TFR does not only determine an individual state’s share. In order to determine the state-wise share, the inverse of the TFR has been multiplied by the 1971 population to determine the share of each state under the demographic performance parameter. Plotting the inverse of the TFR against the demographic performance parameter shows a weak positive correlation (refer Graph 1).

States that have a higher value on the X-axis (reciprocal of TFR), are the ones with lesser number of children per adult woman. These states are arranged towards the right of the X-axis. The states with a higher value on the Y-axis are the ones that have performed well under the demographic performance parameter as per the current devolution formula.

In other words, these states are receiving a larger share of funds because of their higher score as per demographic performance parameter.

If X (reciprocal of TFR) and Y (demographic performance) were strongly positively correlated, it would indicate that states which had been successful in controlling population are also the ones scoring very high on this parameter and, therefore, eligible for a larger share of funds.

However, the graph depicts a weak positive correlation as can be observed from the trend line. 

 

Graph 1: Correlation between inter se shares based on the demographic performance of states and the reciprocal of TFR

 

States such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar rank very high as per the demographic performance factor. This is because they are aided by their comparatively larger population in 1971 despite high TFRs.

States such as Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and West Bengal are some of the bigger states with lower TFRs. These states also gained because of a combination of higher 1971 population and low TFRs.

On the other hand, states with comparatively low TFRs like Telangana and Himachal Pradesh did not gain as much because of relatively lower population shares in 1971.

If the demographic performance was based only on the inverse of TFR and not multiplied by the 1971 population, it would have aided all states that were able to control their population. Some critics have pointed out how the multiplication by the population factor considerably distorts the calculation (Bhattacharjee, 2021) (Hazarika, 2020).

 

3. The Tax Effort

A similar criticism is also levelled at the usage of the parameter called the ‘Tax Effort’. Tax Effort was previously used by the 11th and 12th finance commissions. The 15th Finance Commission computed the Tax Effort by multiplying the 2011 population with the Own Tax Revenue (OTR) [8] to GSDP (Gross State Domestic Product) ratio, unlike the previous commissions where they used only OTR-GSDP ratio as a criteria to compute the share between states.

Several states suffered a cut in inter se share in the Commission’s method, compared to the conventional method of Tax Effort used by the previous commissions. States such as Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, and Uttar Pradesh with higher population gained in their share under the new method.

States such as Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Kerala, Haryana, Odisha, Sikkim, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Jharkhand, and all the North-East states are the states that have suffered a loss. 

 

Changes in inter se state share of tax devolution from the 14th Finance Commission to 15th Finance Commission

Overall, the total tax devolution has undergone some changes in formula on which these transfers are based. These changes have had an effect on the aggregate tax devolution to individual states. The inter se tax shares have increased for some states while it has decreased for others.

Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Bihar are the top four states that have witnessed an increase in their individual shares as a percentage of the total tax devolution.

Maharashtra’s share has increased from 5.52 per cent under the 14th Finance Commission award period to 6.32 per cent under the 15th Finance Commission award period, a total increase of close to 0.8 percentage points. Rajasthan has seen its share go up by 0.53 percentage points, and Gujarat’s share has gone up by 0.39 percentage points over the same period.

Among the states that witnessed a decline in percentage shares include Andhra Pradesh (-0.26 percentage points), Telangana (-0.34 percentage points), and Kerala (-0.58 percentage points). Karnataka witnessed a loss of an entire percentage point from 4.71 per cent to 3.65 per cent. Uttar Pradesh also lost out marginally by 0.02 per cent. 

This indicates that the decline cannot be solely explained by the usage of the Census 2011 as the official population parameter, even though the North-South debate has not been satisfactorily addressed by these changes.

 

Table 2: Inter se state shares from overall tax devolution

 

The 15th Finance Commission has provided a comprehensive report on state finance estimations and useful recommendations for augmenting state resources under challenging circumstances. However, some questions regarding fiscal autonomy still persist.

Factors such as the changes to the devolution formula, the higher proportion of conditional grants, the higher share of cesses and surcharges, and the conservative limit set on state borrowings have potentially deepened the constraints on state finances which could strain fiscal relations between the Union government and the states.

The next blog will take a detailed look at the 15th Finance Commission’s recommendations for grants-in-aid (specifically Centrally Sponsored Schemes) provided by the Union government.

Meghna is a Research Associate at Accountability Initiative. Vastav is a former Research Associate at Accountability Initiative.

[1] Cesses and surcharges are kinds of taxes that directly accrue to the Union Government and are not shared with states.
[2] List of studies conducted for the 15th FC: https://fincomindia.nic.in/ShowContentOne.aspx?id=27&Section=1

[3] https://fincomindia.nic.in/ShowPDFContent.aspx

[4] The 14th Finance Commission had used both the 1971 and 2011 parameters for formulating the devolution to states. However, this was the first time that an FC was directed to completely abandon the use of the 1971 parameter.

[5] The divisible pool is that portion of gross tax revenue which is distributed between the Centre and the states. The divisible pool consists of all taxes, except surcharges and cesses levied for specific purpose, net of collection charges.

[6] https://fincomindia.nic.in/writereaddata/html_en_files/oldcommission_html/fincom14/others/14thFCReport.pdf

[7] https://iussp.org/sites/default/files/event_call_for_papers/IUSSP_40FP_0.pdf

[8] Own tax revenues are taxes that are levied by the state government and accrue solely to states. Own tax revenue includes (i) receipts from the state excise duty, (iii) entry tax on goods and passengers, and (iii) stamp duty, among others.

 

References

Bhattacharjee, G. (2021, February 17). The Statesman. Retrieved from The Statesman: https://www.thestatesman.com/opinion/fiscal-roadmap-1502952697.html

Hazarika, D. (2020). Fiscal Architecture OfIndia: A Review On 15th Finance Commission With A Comparison To 14thFinance Commission. European Journal of Molecular & Clinical Medicine. Retrieved from https://ejmcm.com/pdf_7330_c772ef63725e60c5f033b54280fbc47d.html

Terms of Reference (15th FC). (2017). Retrieved from https://fincomindia.nic.in/ShowPDFContent.aspx

पॉलिसी बज़्ज़

विभिन्न कल्याणकारी योजनाओं में क्या घटित हो रहा है, इसको लेकर आपको हर 15 दिन के अंदर यह पॉलिसी बज़्ज़ अपडेट करता है |

 

नीतियों से सबंधित खबरें

  • केंद्रीय माध्यमिक शिक्षा बोर्ड (CBSE) द्वारा कक्षा 10 की अंतिम परीक्षायें रद्द कर दी गई हैं और कक्षा 12 की परीक्षायें स्थगित कर दी हैं, कुछ राज्य बोर्डों ने भी इसी तरह के फैसले लिए हैं | इंडियन सर्टिफिकेट ऑफ सेकेंडरी एजुकेशन (ICSE) ने भी परीक्षाओं को फिलहाल स्थगित कर दिया है |
  • भारत में मानसिक स्वास्थ्य और कल्याण को बढ़ावा देने के लिए MANAS नामक एक नया ऐप लॉन्च किया गया है |

करोनावायरस आधारित खबरें

  • पूरी दुनिया में COVID-19 मामलों की दूसरी सबसे बड़ी संख्या भारत में है |
  • केंद्र सरकार के अनुसार 12 करोड़ से अधिक वैक्सीन डोस अभी तक लगाए जा चुके हैं |
  • भारत में उत्पादित ‘कोवैक्सीन’ की उत्पादन क्षमता बढ़ाने के लिए केंद्र सरकार ने मिशन कोविड सुरक्षा की घोषणा की है |

अन्य

  • नेशनल क्लाइमेट वल्नेरेबिलिटी असेसमेंट रिपोर्ट के अनुसार असम, अरुणाचल प्रदेश, बिहार, छत्तीसगढ़, झारखंड, मिज़ोरम, ओडिशा, और पश्चिम बंगाल जलवायु परिवर्तन के लिए अत्याधिक संवेदनशील राज्य हैं | अधिक जानकारी यहाँ उपलब्ध है |

 

यह लेख पॉलिसी बज़्ज़ के अंग्रेजी संस्करण पर आधारित है जो 18 अप्रैल 2021 को प्रकाशित हुआ था |

Policy Buzz

Keep up-to-date with all that is happening in welfare policy with this curated selection of news, published every fortnight.

Policy News

  • The Union government resumed the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Ann Yojana. Over 800 million beneficiaries under the National Food Security Act will get an additional 5 kgs of wheat or rice and 1 kg of gram free during May and June 2021.

Coronavirus-focus News

  • India began the third phase of its coronavirus vaccination programme on 1 May 2021, under which all people aged above 18 years are eligible to get themselves vaccinated.
  • India received the first consignment of 150,000 Sputnik V doses in Hyderabad. More shipments of the Russian vaccine will arrive over the next few weeks.
  • World Health Organization has added American biotech company Moderna’s mRNA Covid-19 vaccine to its basket of vaccines for emergency use.
  • Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) has identified about 30 industries whose nitrogen plants will be modified for the production of medical oxygen.

Other News

  • World Meteorological Organization (WMO) released its annual ‘State of the Global Climate’ report for 2020. According to the report, 2020 was one of the three warmest years on record, despite a cooling La Niña event.

What Municipalities Do: Findings from a Study in Tumakuru Smart City, Karnataka

This blog is part of a series unpacking the ‘PAISA for Municipalities‘ research which analysed urban local body finances in Tumakuru Smart City of Karnataka. The first part offers why the study was conducted, the backdrop to the study, and the researchers involved. It can be found here.  

In my previous blog, I had described the framework of our approach to study functional assignments of local governments. I began by laying out a grid, which comprised the matters listed in the Twelfth Schedule of the Constitution on the vertical axis (or the Eleventh Schedule in case the research is on functional assignments to rural local governments), and a range of categories and sub-functions on the horizontal axis.

Using this grid, my colleague, Tanvi Bhatikar began to read through the Karnataka Municipal Corporations Act 1976, teasing out each provision and extracting from each, the stated out powers and responsibilities devolved upon the Municipal Corporations, its Standing Committees and its officials. The extracted provisions were entered into an excel sheet; a ready reckoner of disaggregated functions that enabled us to drill down into any functional area, or functional category of our choice to learn more about the scope and ambit of a Municipal Corporation’s responsibilities.

An abstract of our findings is available in this PDF

There were several aspects of the functional assignments to Municipal Corporations in Karnataka that caught our eye. First, was the sheer range of disaggregated functions – nearly 600 of them, spread over 20 functional areas.

Given this large number, our dilemmas in classifying functions into various categories, was not surprising. For example, 41 sub-functions either consist of bye-laws or speak of the power to make bye-laws with respect to various sectoral matters concerned.

We had a choice of either classifying these responsibilities under each of the sectors concerned, or separately categorising them under the overarching category of ‘Regulatory Matters’. We chose the second approach and included the sub-functions relating to the power to make bye-laws, into the category of ‘Regulatory Matters’. However, the decision could easily have gone the other way.

Second, even as the number of disaggregated activities relating to functional areas were large, they were focussed on a few functional areas. These were: Public Health and Sanitation, Water Supply, Roads and Bridges, and Planning for Economic and Social Development.

With respect to the remaining 14 functions listed in the Twelfth Schedule, there were just a few activities that were devolved. That is interesting, given that most states, including Karnataka, claim to have implemented the provisions of the 74th amendment fully in letter and spirit. (A disaggregation exercise based on our approach with respect to each state would reveal the actual extent of functional devolution of activities related to the 18 matters in the Twelfth Schedule, to urban local bodies.)

Third, we felt that the plethora of provisions in the law and the difficulty in classification of various activities listed under them, underscored the need to thoroughly overhaul the Municipal Corporations Act, and remove overlapping and obsolete provisions.

In order to make the law simple to interpret and implement, those provisions that go into great detail as to how a particular task is to be carried out should be carved and promulgated separately as rules rather than directly as provisions of the Act. Such details are best contained in delegated legislations like rules, rather than in the main legislation.

T.R. Raghunandan is an Advisor at Accountability Initiative. 

The 15th Finance Commission Report: What has Changed on Fund Transfers to States?

On 1 February 2020, the 15th Finance Commission (FC) of India tabled its interim report. But the world was already changing in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, resulting in a redesign of macroeconomic forecasting models around the globe. In India, as the pandemic took root in March 2020, Union and state governments soon struggled with the allocation of fiscal resources, since previous estimations of budgets were no longer valid. Weak revenue generation was a prime factor. By the time the FC submitted its final report in 2021, it too had to revise its economic outlook for the next five years. 

Knowing about the changes is important because the FC is a very important body for Centre-state fiscal relations. The Union government has traditionally had more resource-raising powers while the state governments have, over the decades, become responsible for a higher share of development and welfare-oriented expenditure. The 15th Finance Commission has thus had to tread a fine balance on the centralisation of transfers versus the fiscal autonomy of states to meet states’ needs in the face of an unprecedented pandemic.

In the first blog of a series on recommendations, I will discuss the overall trends in resource transfers and compositional change introduced by the 15th Finance Commission in aggregate transfers [1], which is linked to the sharing of taxes by the Centre with the states.

 

What is the Finance Commission?

But, before we get into some of the new recommendations, it is worthwhile to understand the role of the Finance Commission. 

The inadequacy of the states in resource raising powers vis-à-vis their expenditure responsibility was recognised by the Constitution of India, that laid out the principles of resource-sharing between the Centre and states. The particulars of the sharing pattern was vested in a Constitutional body – the Finance Commission [2]. (Finance Commissions are constituted every five years, and the most-recent one is the 15th Finance Commission.) 

Specifically, the Finance Commission was made responsible for addressing fiscal imbalances that arise between i) the Union and state governments (known as vertical imbalance), as well as those that arise ii) across states (known as horizontal imbalance).

Broadly, the Finance Commission advises the Union government on the following:

  1. The distribution of resources between the Centre and states from the divisible pool of taxes. 
  2. The principles of distributing grants-in-aid (GIA) to states, which are additional sums paid to states in need of assistance.
  3. The principles of transfers to local bodies of states, which include Gram Panchayats and Municipalities.

The resource-sharing architecture has undergone several changes. This evolution has partly been the result of a changed political reality. As India witnessed coalition governments at the Centre, state-level political parties slowly began to have more say in national policy. Also, economically, a growing mismatch between revenue resources and the quantum of expenditure between different levels of government also assisted in bringing about this change.

 

Trends in resource transfer to states

As a response to a widening vertical imbalance, the 14th Finance Commission (2015-16 to 2019-20) had recommended that states receive a share of 42 per cent of the divisible pool [3], increasing the previous Finance Commission’s recommendation by 10 percentage points (Report of the Fourteenth Finance Commission, 2015). (More on 14th Finance Commission recommendations can be found in this blog.)

This was a landmark decision at the time. The higher quantum of revenues dedicated to states changed the state resource envelope considerably. This was significant because tax devolution to states, in intergovernmental fiscal transfers (IGFT) parlance, is ‘untied’. This means that states are simply entitled to them without having to fulfil criteria set by the Centre. This creates more room for fiscal autonomy for states.

The 15th Finance Commission, however, has only marginally changed the share of taxes to states from 42 per cent to 41 per cent on account of the status of Jammu and Kashmir changing from a state to a Union Territory (Report of the Fifteenth Finance Commission, 2021).

The Finance Commission – which is also Constitutionally mandated to determine the quantum flow of select GIA to states – has recommended an increase in conditional transfers. These are ‘tied’ funds. States are eligible to them only upon fulfilling certain criteria. All conditional grants are meant to ‘nudge’ states towards best practices in public finance management, with a view towards fiscal prudence. However, conditional grants are also Centrally-dictated; states themselves cannot access these resources unless they comply with the mandate determined by the Centre. The fiscal autonomy of these grants is, therefore, comparatively limited to untied funds.

The GIA, as a share of total transfers has increased to 19.65 per cent of aggregate transfers while tax devolution comprises 80.35 per cent. In comparison, the 14th Finance Commission had recommended a sharing pattern of 11.97 per cent for GIA and 88.03 per cent for tax devolution out of the total aggregate transfers recommended. Therefore, a higher share of aggregate transfers are now tied funds.

The average share of tax devolution as a percentage of GDP has also reduced from the 14th Finance Commission award period to the 15th Finance Commission award period. Total tax devolution to states in nominal terms has increased by 7 per cent from 39.5 lakh crore to 42.2 lakh crore. However, as a percentage of projected GDP (projections made by both FCs respectively), the share has gone down by one percentage point from 4.11 per cent to 3.15 per cent.

This reassessment has been done largely due to a weak revenue performance following the pandemic (more here). This indicates that, even though the actual value of tax devolution has increased, the growth in share of resources to states has not kept pace with the GDP.

Total tax devolution as a percentage of GDP in FY 2020-21 has also been revised from the Budget Estimates (BEs) of 2020-21 (refer to Graph 1). The reassessed share is 3 per cent for 2020-21. By the end of the 15th Finance Commission award period in FY 2025-26, it is estimated to go up to 3.3 per cent.

fincomindia

There are two things of note here. Firstly, the share of tax devolution is not even estimated to cross 2020-21 BEs even in the last year of the 15th Finance Commission award period. This indicates that the FC does not foresee a full-fledged recovery of revenues to pre-pandemic levels soon. Secondly, there is an increase in the share of conditional grants, but states can access these only when specific reforms are introduced. 

While the share of conditional grants was equivalent to only 17 per cent of the total FC transfers under the 14th Finance Commission period, it has now increased to nearly 57 per cent of approved transfers under the 15th Finance Commission (Jayanta Roy, Aditi Nayar, 2021). This has led to a “compositional alteration”.

The new Finance Commission report has addressed this “compositional alteration”. Even though the experience of states with unconditional transfers has generally been more productive, it notes, the transfers are met only if Central taxes are buoyant. In other words, if the economy starts to do well and GDP increases, taxes are also swiftly generated. Fixing a certain share of the increasing taxes to states guarantees resources to state governments. 

However, as per the 15th Finance Commission, taxes will not be as buoyant during the post-pandemic recovery period. At a time like this, “fixed absolute numbers” of conditional grants would be a comparatively more assured way of transferring financial resources to states (Report of the Fifteenth Finance Commission, 2021). 

A comparison of the estimated tax share against the actual quantum of transfer over the award period of the 14th FC demonstrates the above point. From FY 2015-16 to FY 2019-20, the actual transfer was less than 17 per cent (on average) of the estimated devolution. In FY 2019-20 the decline was as much as 37 per cent in the face of lower than estimated  generation of revenues and an economic slowdown at the time.

Meanwhile, states have been consistently arguing for more fiscal room (FirstPost, 2017). The new compositional change may further restrict the fiscal autonomy of states at a time they require it most. 

Thus, even though the 14th Finance Commission recommendations changed the landscape of fiscal federalism in India with its landmark recommendations that would have increased state fiscal autonomy, statesfincomindia have had to adjust to resources that were much lower than estimated. This will most likely remain the case in the post-pandemic recovery period as tax revenues pick up, albeit slowly. As a result, the divisible pool of taxes may itself shrink due to lower than expected share of tax devolution despite the optimistic GDP growth estimates made by the 15th Finance Commission. 

If states have less and less autonomy over their resources, then recovery from the pandemic, with very little fiscal room, will be very slow. Crucial spending on capital may suffer due to this, resulting in longer term disruptions to sub-national economic growth and higher inequality among states. 

The next blog will explore another important set of recommendations that determine funds with states – those linked to  the changes in the tax devolution formula.

 

Meghna is a Research Associate at Accountability Initiative.

 

[1]  Aggregate transfers refer to the total resource transfer to states. It comprises: 1) Total tax devolution to states from the shareable pool of taxes, and 2) Total FC grants to states. As per the recommendations of the current FC, these grants include i) the revenue deficit grant, ii) disaster relief grant, iii) grants to local bodies, iv) state specific grants, and v) sector specific grants.

[2] Articles 280 and 281 of the Constitution provide for the setting up of Finance Commissions. Constitution of India: https://legislative.gov.in/sites/default/files/COI_1.pdf

[3] The divisible pool is that portion of gross tax revenue which is distributed between the Centre and the states. The divisible pool consists of all taxes, except surcharges and cesses levied for specific purpose, net of collection charges.

 

References

Report of the Fifteenth Finance Commission. (2021). Report of the Fifteenth Finance Commission. Retrieved from https://fincomindia.nic.in/ShowContent.aspx?uid1=3&uid2=0&uid3=0&uid4=0&uid5=0&uid6=0&uid7=0

Report of the Fourteenth Finance Commission. (2015). Report of the Fourteenth Finance Commission. Retrieve from
https://fincomindia.nic.in/writereaddata/html_en_files/oldcommission_html/fincom14/others/14thFCReport.pdf

Firstpost. (2017, November 29). Finance Commission to look into tied grants for states: A nudge strategy by govt after loan waivers or a U-turn? Retrieved from Firstpost: https://www.firstpost.com/business/finance-commission-to-look-into-tied-grants-for-states-a-nudge-strategy-by-govt-after-loan-waivers-or-a-u-turn-4233135.html

Jayanta Roy, Aditi Nayar. (2021, February 23). The Indian Express. Retrieved from The Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/fifteenth-finance-commission-has-increased-proportion-of-grants-conditional-on-reforms-by-states-7200026/