2022 in Review: Untying the Knots

As India emerged from the long shadow cast by the pandemic, one thing was reconfirmed for us — knowledge and accurate information are key to finding solutions to the country’s persistent development challenges. In the year 2022, we chose to unknot some tough policy questions and cross-pollinate knowledge about them to catalyse Responsive Governance or a public system that is responsive to citizen needs. Below is a sample of our efforts.

 

How is India’s welfare system faring given current fund flows?


Crores of rupees are being allocated to welfare programmes. Like every year since 2008, we published our flagship Budget Briefs series to unpack this. The 14th volume contained the trends in allocations, release, expenditure and implementation for 9 major Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSSs). They spanned health, nutrition, education, rural livelihoods, housing, the availability of water, and food security. The volume is available here

Sharad Pandey, Avani Kapur, and Tanya Rana wrote a Working Paper on State Finances in FY 2022-23. This paper attempted to break down the dynamics between the Union and state governments, and focused on Grants-in-Aid from the Union government. By looking at state budgets over a period of five years from FY 2017-18 to FY 2022-23, the soon-to-be published paper looks at the trends in dependence of states on Union transfers, with a focus on CSSs.

Government’s ability to raise, allocate, and use public funds effectively forms the cornerstone of its ability to provide public goods and undertake service delivery. Encouraging conversation on public finance management has been our longstanding focus. As part of this year’s CPR Dialogues, we hosted a panel featuring leaders in the public finance management space on The Welfare State in the Digital Age: Planning for Stronger Public Fund Flows. We hosted another panel discussion on what can constitute an agile Public Finance Management System (PFMS) and evidence-based next steps with MSC (MicroSave Consulting) earlier this year. Key takeaways can be found here.

 

What are the emerging priorities in health?


For over 14 years, the Accountability Initiative has developed a deep understanding of health budgets, which we have regularly shared with the public. Taking another step in this direction, we collaborated with the World Bank to produce a primer entitled ‘Understanding India’s Health Budgets’. The primer’s main objective is to offer the reader a way to simply understand and accurately interpret India’s Union and state health budgets. It includes guidance on existing processes, involved actors, types of budget documents, and terminologies to keep in mind. The primer will be available in the public domain in early 2023.

Ritwik Shukla and Avani Kapur co-authored a paper on ‘Methods and Lessons from Costing a Large mHealth Intervention at Scale in India’. Among its objectives was to present a detailed protocol for determining the costs of a large national mHealth job aid and behaviour change communication tool known as the Integrated Child Development Services – Common Application Software (ICDS-CAS). The paper presents lessons for policymakers on how to ensure financial planning for scaling mHealth interventions. The study uses the Activity Based Costing—Ingredients (ABC-I) method, which brings clarity to costs for each input and activity, across levels and geographies.

 

What are the learnings on government nutrition interventions?


Researchers at the Accountability Initiative collaborated with researchers at the International Food Policy Research Institute to write a policy note on Financing for Nutrition in India. This note examined costs to fully finance a set of core Direct Nutrition Interventions (DNIs) at scale in FY 2022-23. This exercise is crucial to enable better planning, budgeting, and decision-making to ensure maximum possible coverage of nutrition for children, pregnant and lactating women, and adolescent girls in India.

Avani Kapur and Ritwik Shukla co-authored a paper with researchers from the Institute of Economic Growth  entitled Improving nutrition budgeting in health sector plans: Evidence from India’s anaemia control strategy. Following the four phases of the budget cycle — planning, allocations, disbursements and expenditure — this paper presented a new method to track nutrition budgets within health sector plans. Using the example of the Anemia Mukt Bharat (AMB), it reported preliminary findings on the application of the first two phases of the method, that is, to track and act for improved planning and allocations, for 12 states. 

A new interactive learning tool called Mapping Governance was launched to provide practitioners with a comprehensive, macro-level understanding of government structures responsible for delivering nutrition related public services in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Similarly, maps linked to education were also created. Both thematic streams are available here

 

How is India’s welfare architecture operating post-pandemic?


In September 2022, a new Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between the Accountability Initiative and the Government of Meghalaya to understand the on-ground  status of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the state. The project involves interviews with key stakeholders across various indicators, discussions with government departments, and  household-level field surveys across the 11 districts of Meghalaya. In addition, we assisted the departments of Finance and Planning in developing Meghalaya’s first Gender and Youth Budgets as part of a previous MoU.

We are also  supporting the Government of Andhra Pradesh to undertake an evaluation of some of its welfare programmes. 

We partnered with the Chief Minister of Rajasthan’s Economic Transformation Advisory Council (CMRETAC) to understand data use for better policy formulation. This project includes mapping data generation, use, and processes across education, health and family welfare, and rural development departments. The study will focus on identifying limitations, duplication, and redundancies. It will recommend  methods to manage data flows and use it for effective decision-making, while considering global and domestic best practices. 

Tribal Sub Plan (TSP) funds are difficult to track once they leave the Government of India’s coffers. Researchers at the Accountability Initiative are tracking overall spending of the TSP component and  attempting to estimate tribal health spending across five districts spanning three states in order to understand the emerging patterns in health financing in tribal areas. The analysis will be informed through qualitative interviews with key stakeholders both within and outside government. This study has received the support of Piramal Swasthya. 

Sidharth Santhosh, Ritwik Shukla, and Avani Kapur prepared an issue brief detailing how convergence is understood by the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS). The study looks at various government documents, including guidelines, letters, and circulars.

Kiran Bhatty, Mridusmita Bordoloi, Avani Kapur, Mohammad Hamza and Anupriya Singh wrote a background paper entitled the ‘Regulation of Non-State Actors in School Education in India’. Commissioned by the UNESCO Global Education Monitoring (GEM) Report, the paper serves as background research for the development of the GEM 2022 Regional Report on non-state actors in education in South Asia. 

The PULSE (Platform to Understand, Learn, Share and Exchange) for Development was launched in 2020, immediately after the COVID-19 pandemic began in India, in order to bring together development practitioners who were working to mitigate the pandemic’s adverse impacts. In 2022, a conscious decision was made to connect practitioners also on longstanding development challenges confronted by India and the attainment of the SDGs. The revamped community of practice that reflects this change will come into action from the first month of 2023.  

To mark the 75th year of India’s independence, an exclusive interview series called State Speak was launched. The interviews have captured the experience of  IAS officers posted in India’s districts and other public officials who have a vantage point on how the country is being governed, related challenges, and best practices. The collection of interviews is available here, and provide valuable insights into decision-making associated with local communities.  

We have been supporting the Ministry of Rural Development on two national-level surveys (Ease of Living and Mission Antodaya) through data checks, validation, and analysis of previously completed surveys. Furthermore, suggestions were provided for improving the surveys and data quality.

 

What are the lived experiences of frontline officials, and citizens?


Launched in 2020, almost-immediately after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in India, Inside Districts has been our flagship interview series that documents the experiences of frontline workers, government officials, and eligible citizens of government schemes. Over 150 interviews from Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan have been published in the past two years. In 2022, the focus of the series was expanded to cover longer term development challenges of the country, with rich information emerging on labour rights and the migration of informal workers for livelihoods, among other aspects. Know about their perspectives, in their own voice at this link.  

Avani Kapur and Sidharth Santhosh co-authored a paper that characterises the challenges that street-level bureaucrats are facing in five Indian states amidst digital transitions in the provisioning of social welfare schemes. The authors presented their initial findings at the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad’s IPPN Annual Conference in December 2022. The paper is due to be published.

Tanya Rana and Ritwik Shukla conducted a Needs Analysis for Women’s Safety Schemes, which examined the costs and needs for providing key women’s safety schemes – One Stop Centre (OSC) and Shakti Sadan (SS) – of the Ministry of Women and Child Development (MWCD). The findings suggest that there are significant gaps in the number of victims of Violence Against Women (VAW) receiving assistance to those who may need it. This, correspondingly, leads to under-estimating the number of shelter facilities to VAW victims in India in FY 2021-22. The brief will be available in the public domain in early 2023. 

 

How can citizen participation in governance be augmented?


For close to half a decade, our flagship learning programme –  ‘Hum Aur Humaari Sarkaar’ – has sparked deliberation on the government system among grassroots development leaders. Two offline courses were conducted in Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, training 70 grassroot development professionals. In addition, keeping with demand, two additional modules on Social Protection and E-governance were added to the course. Also, course alumni and practitioners at-large continued to access the Hum Aur Humaari Sarkaar website. The website’s three most popular sections are – ‘Prashasan ke sitaare‘ (Star performers from the public administration), ‘Seekhne ke saadhan’ (Learning resources), and ‘Saathiyon ke vichaar’ (Alumni speak).

Sidharth Santhosh, Rajika Seth, Avani Kapur and Neeha Susan Jacob conducted a study that unpacks how social accountability mechanisms are institutionalised. The study proposes a novel framework to understand the process of institutionalisation by looking at dimensions such as incentives and institutional design. The team members studied the design and implementation of the Meghalaya Community Participation and Public Services Social Audit Act of 2017 to test the framework. A  research paper and a policy note will be released in early 2023. 

Project ‘Samanvay’, in collaboration with Piramal Foundation, is aimed at the capacity building of Panchayati Raj Institution members from the tribal district of Barwani (Pati Block), Madhya Pradesh. Among the objectives is to enable them to learn and reflect on the complexities of the administrative and financial structures that they operate within, as well as engineer solutions at their level.   

In-person sessions of another flagship learning programme – ‘Understanding State Capabilities’ – was conducted for students from the FLAME University and the Indian School of Development Management. A workshop was also conducted with staff of Mantra4Change on ‘Understanding the Bureaucracy’.

Policy Buzz

Keep up-to-date with all that is happening in welfare policy with this curated selection of news – Policy Buzz – published every fortnight.

Policy News

  1. Multi-State Cooperative Societies (Amendment) Bill, 2022 was introduced by the Centre in Lok Sabha.
  2. The 36th report on the implementation of the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) was submitted by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Labour, Textiles and Skill.
  3. The Energy Conservation (Amendment) Bill, 2022 was passed by the Rajya Sabha.

Health and Nutrition 

  1. eSanjeevani, Centre’s telemedicine service, crossed the mark of 8 crore teleconsultations. 
  2. The report titled “Grassroot Soldiers: Role of ASHAs and ANMs in the COVID-19 Pandemic Management in India” was released by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, National Health Systems Resource Center, and the Institute for Competitiveness. 
  3. Comments on the consultation paper on ‘Operationalising Unified Health Interface (UHI) in India’ have been invited by the National Health Authority (NHA).
  4. UNICEF and WHO launched a Joint Programme to accelerate action for children and adolescents’ mental health and psychosocial well-being and development.

Education

  1. A panel to work on textbooks in Indian languages was formed by the University Grants Commission.
  2. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment questioned the Centre for the delay in approving the continuation of the Scheme for Providing Education to Madrasas/Minorities (SPEMM).

Other News

  1. Circumstantial proof can be used to infer the demand and acceptance of bribe or illegal gratification by a public servant, said the Supreme Court.
  2. The Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment flagged that the families of persons who died while sewer cleaning have not received compensation.

Also Read: Who Abets Corruption?

Big Questions India Needs to Focus on About Implementing a Right to Health 

The Government of India has reiterated that the goal for India’s healthcare system is to progressively achieve Universal Health Coverage (UHC). This is the prominent focus of the National Health Policy (2017). Spending, however, has remained below the target 2.5% of GDP. As per the HRMI rights tracker, which measure how well a country is using its income to ensure people’s Right to Health is fulfilled, India ranks 68th out of 144 countries. This means India can achieve a lot more, given its income. India’s ambition to achieve UHC, therefore, needs more impetus. 

A crucial pathway to UHC is establishing health as a right. This could help in mandating a shift in government priorities, locking in multiple governments and political parties to the same objective, setting clear benchmarks and norms which can be used to hold service providers accountable, and guaranteeing access, especially to the most-vulnerable and marginalised. Recently, Rajasthan has passed a Right to Healthcare Act 2022. But it received a lukewarm response as experts and activists argued that it lacked clear implementation timeframes, guidelines, and guarantees for people, with which they can hold the government accountable. 

This experience is informative. Against this backdrop, visioning and framing pathways to UHC require thinking through some big questions on what it takes to actually conceptualise and then implement health as a right. 

What’s in a name? Definitions and implications

Firstly, there is a sharp distinction between health and healthcare. Healthcare covers the provision of medical and health services, which directly deal with the prevention and cure of illness, injury, and disease. On the other hand, health is a broad and varied term, and covers many other things. It covers not just healthcare, but also the underlying determinants of health, such as access to safe drinking water, sanitation, healthy occupational and environmental conditions, and access to health-related information. 

Therefore, the first big question to think about is what should a Right to Health cover? A related question is if the Right to Health should have comprehensive provisions to cover wellness or the act of practicing healthy habits on a daily basis to attain better physical and mental health outcomes. Wellness can also be described as thriving, instead of simply surviving a disease.  

The answer to this, of course, will have to account for the government’s ability to deliver. Should the government choose to focus on health, commitments will be bigger, and therefore more-costly and tougher to deliver on. And if it chooses to focus on healthcare, as the Rajasthan Health Care Act 2022 does, should it cover gender affirming surgeries, elective surgeries, rare diseases, etc. Currently Brazil, in their right to healthcare, publicly covers gender affirming surgeries. Any conceptualisation of a Right to Health or healthcare needs to start with clearly defining the scope, especially in a resource-constrained country like India. 

Health being a state subject remains a federal hot potato

The judiciary has defended the Right to Health as a part of the Right to Life (Article 21 of the Indian Constitution) on several occasions. This does set precedence to create a separate and distinct Act, with clear provisions of what people are entitled to. However, health is a state subject, and therefore it is difficult for the Union government to make a sweeping Right to Health framework for the country. Previous experiences are revealing. 

Despite clear federal boundaries, the Union government has persistently increased its own investments in health (more than a 1.5 times increase between 2014-15 and 2022-23). However, when the Supreme Court of India questioned both Union and state governments on their response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Union government clearly stated that health is the responsibility of state governments, in contrast to their repeated (and arguably necessary) interventions in the delivery of health services. 

The in-practice muddled status of health in India’s federal landscape can be resolved by moving health from the State List to the Concurrent List of the Constitution. There is precedence for moving subjects from the State to the Concurrent List, such as education

An expert group had submitted to the 15th Finance Commission that, given family planning is part of the Concurrent List, health should be made a Concurrent List subject as well. However, it is important to note that many states have managed well without the Union’s support, and such a move will raise questions of State government autonomy. This could be a step away from a more decentralised form of governance. 

Till then, with health being a state subject, state governments will have to pass their own legislations, as Rajasthan has done. At the moment, Tamil Nadu is also working on creating a Right to Health. 

Biting off more than can be chewed? 

Another question to consider is that a Right to Health with teeth will be complicated in India’s current health landscape.

One criticism of the Rajasthan Right to Healthcare Act is the lack of clear rules and provisions on the exact services that will be provided, in what manner and quality, and timeframe. The current form of the Act falls short of providing guarantees, leading experts and activists to argue that it lacks teeth. But what would it take to provide ‘teeth’? 

An example of ‘teeth’ can be found in the rules for the Right to Education Act (2009). They provide for clear norms such as primary schools being made available within 1 km of any student. A similar rule to establish healthcare centres within a km radius of the seeker may be incredibly costly to execute, given several competing priorities for both Union and state governments. 

At present, the private sector is preferred by almost 50% households. Some of the reasons for not using government facilities include the lack of nearby facilities, absent personnel, inconvenient timings, long waiting times, and poor quality. While the situation has gradually improved over time, most states fall short of WHO norms for the provision of doctors and facilities. Even if funding was not an issue, doctors and healthcare professionals don’t always want to serve in remote areas, leaving several communities underserved. Massive financial incentives may help, but again, will increase costs. The same is true for ambulances for remote areas. 

This begs the question: should the private sector be leveraged and mandated to provide services under any potential right to healthcare? 

Gravy trains or penny pinching? Misaligned incentives for the private and public sector

Given that the private sector forms a large part of the Indian health system, any guarantees given to people may have to bring the private sector in. However, the private sector seeks profit, and will seek the same to deliver in remote areas. So, a guaranteed right to healthcare for citizens which involves the private sector may also require guaranteed profits for the private sector. If prices are unregulated, access becomes the challenge. If prices are regulated, setting prices and deciding who pays the cost (government or citizen) becomes a political quagmire, and will inevitably lead to backlash. 

Related questions are: what are the regulatory mechanisms that can be used to ensure access, quality, and timeliness of healthcare? Given the sheer information asymmetry with medical services at large and the government’s limited monitoring capacity, regulation could be a big question to think about in order to guarantee rights. 

Lastly, one of the biggest hurdles to a potential Right to Health is the sticky wicket of financing. However, having a right itself can spur investments, but implementing a right requires serious deliberation over a vast number of questions, which move beyond just the domain of healthcare provision, to re-imagining what kind of society we want to create. Answering these questions requires multiple stakeholders, and is critical to creating a pathway to UHC. 


Ritwik Shukla is a Senior Research Associate at Accountability Initiative. 


Also Read: India’s Major Challenges in Realising Menstrual Health

Who Abets Corruption?

During the National Vigilance Week, a couple of weeks back, I was called to give a presentation at a prominent Bengaluru-based Public Sector Organisation. This happens every year when PSU Chief Vigilance Officers run a campaign to lay stress on anti-corruption measures and the need to maintain vigilance. Clearly, there is a concerted effort amongst the bureaucracy to place stress on measures to reduce and hopefully, eliminate corruption. 

Do these steps work?

The evidence does not look great. India languishes low in the Corruption Perception Index of Transparency International. Our score stands at a poor 40 out of a possible 100 marks. Further, we have dropped a point in the last couple of years, from 41 to 40. We rank 80th in position, but that is because other countries are overtaking us in the rankings. 

One of the reasons why corruption continues to happen and prosper is because private citizens accept it uncomplainingly. At first, this may sound like an abdication of responsibility; after all, indeed the government is supposed to take the initiative to reduce corruption, not the people. That’s the conventional wisdom that is thrown at one, every time one speaks of corruption. Furthermore, if one persists with the contention that the public has a great deal to do in the war against corruption, the standard excuse that is aired is that the public knows no better; we are a poor and uneducated country.

Nothing could be further from the truth.

Recently, an anti-corruption crusader I know well related to me an incident. She lives in a gated community. The owners of houses there are by no means poor; they are the crème a la crème of society, those who run successful businesses and live busy professional lives. The service that they wanted from the government was also not something that the poor want or can afford. 

They wanted a bar licence for their community’s clubhouse. And they wanted the help of my friend to obtain the licence. They, of course, had been to an ‘agent’, who promised to organise the licence. The agent wanted a professional consultation fee of ₹70 lakh, which translated to ₹14,000 for each resident. A small, affordable sum of money. Everything was above board, they said. The money was to be collected through bank payments and the payment to the agent was also to be made by electronic means. When such was the case, how could anything be an underhand dealing, they asked. 

My friend made preliminary enquiries with the excise department and an honest officer told her that everything had been streamlined. The application was to be made online and certain conditions were prescribed, with which the applicant had to comply. The fee chargeable was a fraction of the ₹70 lakh that the agent had demanded. With this information in hand, my friend told the group quite firmly that she would not be a party to bribery. She forcefully made it clear that not only the payer of such payments would be committing a crime, but that a whistleblower could get such payers into trouble. 

That news was greeted with petulance and bad grace. A meeting was called, where successful professionals justified the payments as ‘necessary’, ‘convenient’, and ‘affordable’. The minority of those who wished to proceed with the application legitimately were told that they were ‘impractical’ and ‘rigid’ and that ‘this was the way of life’ in India. Many of those who aired such views had worked abroad. They knew the ways of the world and that such payments were unnecessary abroad. 

However, finally, an interesting thing happened. A group of people decided that they would not pay bribes for this at any cost. They used the word ‘bribe’ frequently, much to the embarrassment of those who favoured payments, who preferred to use the term ‘consultancy fee’ to sugarcoat the bribe. The matter was put to the vote and the nay-sayers had their way, with a caveat. A time frame was fixed for getting the licence without payment of a bribe, or consultancy fee, as some wanted to term it. After that, they would go through the agent, said those who justified the fee. It will still be a crime, retorted the nay-sayers.

Why do rich people pay bribes? Why do people who know processes, or have the capacity to know them, still pay bribes? Why do they couch their culpability in misleading terms? Where is the moral compass? Why do they blame the poor, without turning a hair? Why do they find strength in numbers?

Many researchers into anti-corruption, preferred to look at solutions to corruption from an economic dimension alone. They diminished the importance of the moral dimension. For a long time, as someone who works on anti-corruption, I tended to be influenced by them. Now I am beginning to think otherwise. We are corrupt because we have no moral compass. 


The views are of the author and do not represent an institutional stand. 

T.R. Raghunandan is an Advisor at the Accountability Initiative. 


Also Read: Observations on Obfuscation through E-Governance

 

Policy Buzz

Keep up-to-date with all that is happening in welfare policy with this curated selection of news – Policy Buzz – published every fortnight.

Policy News

  1. NITI Aayog and the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister (EAC-PM) are jointly reviewing all Central Sector (CS) and Centrally-Sponsored Schemes (CSS) to reduce unnecessary expenditure.
  2. Centre has released ₹17,000 crore to States and Union Territories as balance compensation for goods and services tax (GST) for the period April-June 2022.
  3. All ministries have been asked to identify new assets for monetisation by the Centre. 
  4. Project Unnati, aimed at skill training of MGNREGS beneficiaries, was extended by two years because of limited implementation.
  5. Training Modules for chairpersons and members of the Child Welfare Committee and protocols for restoration and repatriation of children launched by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights.

Health and Nutrition 

  1. Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission (ABDM) crossed the landmark of 3 crore digitally linked health records
  2. Draft Food Safety and Standards (Genetically Modified Foods) Regulations, 2022 was released by the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI).
  3. National Suicide Prevention Policy was announced by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare.
  4. The Secretary Department of Consumer Affairs urged all states to establish price monitoring centers in all districts.

Sanitation

  1. Jan-Dhan account kits to be distributed to waste segregation workers by the UNDP.

Other News

  1. Revised regulatory framework for Urban Cooperative Banks (UCBs) was issued by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI).
  2. Study report on ‘Carbon Capture, Utilisation, and Storage (CCUS) Policy Framework and its Deployment Mechanism in India’ released by the NITI Aayog. 

Also Read: Observations on Obfuscation through E-Governance

क्या आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ता बदलाव के लिए तैयार हैं?

राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा नीति 2020 को लागू हुए दो साल पूरे हो चुके हैं और इन दो वर्षों में यह नीति अति अधिक वाद-विवाद और चर्चाओं का विषय रह चुकी है। इस शिक्षा नीति में काफ़ी सकारात्मक बदलावों के बारे में जिक्र किया गया है, जैसे बच्चों को शिक्षा के साथ-साथ वोकेशनल शिक्षा से भी जोड़ना , ताकि बच्चे भविष्य में अपनी क्षमताओं की पहचान करके एक बेहतर भविष्य की तरफ बढ़ सके। इसी शिक्षा नीति के तहत एक बहुत बड़े बदलाव की बात की गयी है जिसके अंतर्गत प्री-स्कूल एडुकेशन को प्राथमिक शिक्षा से जोड़ा जाएगा और आंगनवाड़ी केन्द्रों के बच्चों को प्राथमिक शिक्षा में सम्मिलित करा जाएगा

अब सवाल यह है कि पहले से ही आंगनवाड़ी केन्द्रों में सक्षम आंगनवाड़ी और पोषण 2.0 की सेवाएँ दे रही कार्यकर्ता इस बदलाव को अपने कार्यशैली में कैसे सम्मिलित करेंगी?

इसके तहत कुछ राज्यों में आंगनवाड़ी केन्द्रों तथा कार्यकर्ता को प्राथमिक विद्यालयों में विलय करने की प्रक्रिया शुरू भी हो चुकी है। मतलबइ इन राज्यों में आंगनवाड़ी कार्यक्रताओं को एक अध्यापक के तौर पर भी विद्यालयों में अपनी सेवाएं देनी होंगी।

मैं यहाँ अपने ज़मीनी अनुभव में उभरे कुछ उदाहरणों के माध्यम से कुछ चुनौतियों पर प्रकाश डालने की कोशिश कर रहा हूँ जो हमें इस बात पर सोचने के लिए मजबूर करेंगी की क्या आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ता वाकई इस तरह के बदलावों के लिए तैयार हैं?

मध्य प्रदेश के संदर्भ में कहूँ तो मैंने राज्य से लेकर आंगनबाड़ी स्तर तक कुछ चीजों का समझने की कोशिश की जिसे मैं आपके साथ साझा कर रहा हूँ:

1) राज्य स्तर के कुछ अधिकारीयों से बात करने पर मालूम चला की नयी शिक्षा नीति के कार्यान्वयन को लेकर उनके मन में कुछ संशय हैं। जैसे किस विभाग द्वारा आंगनवाड़ी पर प्री-प्राइमरी की कक्षाएं संचालित की जाएँगी? क्या इसके लिए अलग से शिक्षकों की नियुक्तियां होंगी या वर्तमान में काम कर रहीं कार्यकर्ता ही इनका संचालन करेगी? यदि आंगनबाड़ी कार्यकर्ता ही इनका संचालन करेगीं तो वे इस व्यवस्था में कब और कैसे शिफ्ट होंगी? उन्हें इस सिस्टम में आने के लिए प्रशिक्षण कब और कैसे दिया जायेगा?

2) जब इस नीति के क्रियान्वयन के लिए फंड से सम्बंधित जानकारी लेने की कोशिश की गई तो उसके बारे में भी उन्हें कोई पुख्ता सूचना नहीं थी। इससे संदेह पैदा होता है की अभी तक शिक्षा विभाग और महिला एवं बाल विकास विभाग के बीच में ही इसके क्रियान्वयन को लेकर कई तरह के संशय है।

3) हमने अपने शोध में पाया है की सरकार द्वारा जब आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ताओं से डाटा अथवा जानकारी मांगी जाती है, तो कई बार इस प्रक्रिया में उन्हें कई मुश्किलें आती हैं। जैसे कोविड-19 के समय आंगनवाड़ियों को एक एप्प के माध्यम से कोविड से जुड़े लोगों की घर-घर जाकर पहचान करनी है। लेकिन इसके लिए उन्हें कोई उचित प्रशिक्षण नहीं दिया गया था, केवल लिंक साझा करके उन्हें कहा गया की उन्हें डाटा इकठ्ठा करके भेजना है। लिहाज़ा, इसमें उन्हें काफी मुश्किलें पेश आयीं।

इसी प्रकार 2021 में जारी हुए पोषण ट्रैकर एप्लीकेशन, जो अन्य बातों के साथ-साथ बच्चों के वजन और ऊंचाई, आंगनवाड़ी केंद्रों के उद्घाटन, टेक होम राशन के वितरण और आंगनवाड़ी में प्री-स्कूल शिक्षा के लिए बच्चों की उपस्थिति पर डेटा कैप्चर करता है, को लेकर भी आंगनवाड़ी कार्यकर्ता सहज रूप से कार्य नहीं कर पा रही थीं।

तो अब सवाल यह उठता है कि बिना प्रशिक्षण जब ज़मीनी कार्यकर्ता ही अपना काम सही तरीके से करने में सक्षम नहीं होंगी तो ऐसे में लाभार्ती को बेहतर सेवाएं कैसे मिल पाएंगी?

अतः सरकार द्वारा शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में ठोस बदलावों के लिए नीति निर्माण एवं क्रियान्वयन को लेकर सोचना निःसंदेह एक स्वागत योग्य और सराहनीय निर्णय हैं। लेकिन साथ ही सरकार को यह सोचने की भी आवश्यकता है कि जो लोग इस नयी व्यवस्था में शामिल होंगे क्या उन्हें इस कार्य के सशक्त और समर्थ बनाने में भी उतना ही श्रम और विचार उपयोग किया जा रहा है या नहीं?

यह केवल एक उदाहरण मात्र है जो इस बात पर प्रकाश डालता है कि जो ज़मीनी कार्यकर्ता नागरिकों को सेवाएं देने के लिए जवाबदेह हैं, उन्हें समय-समय पर साधन और प्रशिक्षण की आवश्यकता रहती है। हर विभाग के ज़मीनी कार्यकर्ताओं की क्षमता उत्सर्जन के लिए संस्थागत व्यवस्था सुनिश्चित करना सरकार की ज़िम्मेदारी है। और हम नागरिकों की ज़िम्मेदारी सरकार को अपने इस कर्तव्य के लिए जवाबदेह ठहरना हैं।


कौशल पाठक अकॉउंटबिलिटी इनिशिएटिव में पैसा एसोसिएट के पद पर नियुक्त हैं।


आगे पढ़ें: जवाबदेही कानून जैसी व्यवस्थाओं की आवश्यकता

Policy Buzz

Keep up-to-date with all that is happening in welfare policy with this curated selection of news – Policy Buzz – published every fortnight.

Policy News

  1. Draft Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2022 was released by the Ministry Of Electronics and IT.
  2. States and Union Territories have been asked to appoint a Child Welfare Protection Officer (CWPO) in every police station to exclusively deal with children, as victims or perpetrators, by the Ministry of Home Affairs.
  3. Portal for the National Mission for Natural Farming was launched by the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare.
  4. A National Indicator Framework (NIF) for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) was developed by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. The framework will function as the “backbone for facilitating monitoring of SDGs at the national level.”
  5. The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2022 was notified by the Centre.
  6. The fourth phase of Digital Shakti Campaign, a pan-India project on digitally empowering and skilling women and girls in cyberspace, was launched by the National Commission for Women.
  7. Long-term capital expenditure funds of ₹60,000 crore were sanctioned by the Centre to the states.

Health and Nutrition 

  1. The revised National List of Essential Medicines was notified and brought under the Drug Prices Control Order.
  2. DigiLocker completed its second-level of integration with Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission (ABDM). Using this, users can now digitally store health records and link them with Ayushman Bharat Health Account (ABHA).
  3. The Employees’ State Insurance Corporation’s (ESIC) online maternity benefit claim portal was launched by the Ministry of Labour and Employment.

Education 

  1. Draft regulations on ‘Deemed To Be Universities’ were released by the University Grants Commission.
  2. The Unified District Information System For Education Plus (UDISE+) 2021-22 report on school education was released by the Ministry of Education. Read the complete report here.
  3. The Performance Grading Index (PGI) for 2020-21 was released by the Department of School Education and Literacy.
  4.  A High Level Committee was constituted by the Centre for strengthening the assessment and accreditation of Higher Educational Institutions (HEIs).

Sanitation

  1. The Swachh Survekshan Grameen toolkit was released by the Ministry of Jal Shakti. Access the toolkit report here.
  2. Toilets 2.0 campaign was launched by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs. The campaign aims to “change the face  of public and community toilets in urban India through collective action involving citizens and Urban Local Bodies.”
  3. The Swachh Vidyalaya Puraskar (SVP), 2021-22 were awarded to the National awardee schools.

Other News

  1. The ‘Cities Alive: Designing Cities That Work For Women’ report was released by the United Nations Development Programme.
  2. The first Digital Rupee pilot project for the wholesale segment was commenced by the Reserve Bank of India.
  3. Citizen Perception Survey 2022, a part of Ease of Living Survey, was launched by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs.
  4. Recommendations on regulatory framework for promoting data economy were released by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India.
  5. Madhya Pradesh has notified the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Rules to empower rural local bodies.
  6. ‘Financing India’s Infrastructure Needs: Constraints To Commercial Financing And Prospects For Policy Action’ report was released by the World Bank.

Also Read: Challenges in Access to Secondary Education in India

Observations on Obfuscation through E-Governance

The conventional wisdom behind e-Governance, repeated so often that we ignore its true implications, states that e-Governance improves transparency. This leads to the question; what exactly is transparency? Tim Berners-Lee, the inventor of the World Wide Web, describes five stages of openness of government data:

Stage 1: Data is put out in any format but under an open licence that enables it to be copied and reproduced. For example, a PDF document fits the bill quite nicely.

Stage 2: Data is made available in a structured form that can be manipulated, sliced, and diced. For example, a table in spreadsheet format.

Stage 3: Data can not only be manipulated, but is available on non-proprietary software.

Stage 4: Data is linkable through URIs, i.e. ‘Uniform Resource Identifiers’, which enable a greater degree of extraction and analysis than a document containing data in Stage 3.

Stage 5: In the final stage, documents with URIs are capable of being linked so that different datasets can be used together. It is only if the government can reach this stage that it can be considered to have achieved the pinnacle of openness in its open data.

While these are logical and desirable steps that the government must take to achieve true openness, what usually happens is that the government declares victory on IT-enabling a service or database, far before it has reached a level of true transparency.

Government officers driving IT enabling have wide leeway as to when they declare a project to be completely successful, regardless of whether transparency has been truly achieved. For example, data may be put out in a PDF document, which does not allow sufficient leeway for readers to extract data, compare it with other documents, and undertake numerical analysis. An image file of a spreadsheet may be uploaded and closure declared. A data file may be uploaded in a format that requires proprietary software for access, which all data seekers may not have.

Transparency can be reversed as well, which is often done stealthily. Just how pernicious that approach could be, was brought to me through a recent example.

Mr. P.G. Bhat has been a steadfast civil society activist, who has devoted more than a decade to the analysis of electoral rolls to detect errors and omissions. The Election Commission of India has long maintained that the electoral rolls are public documents. These were initially published as text PDF files. Since 2010, Mr. Bhat began to extract the electoral rolls of Bengaluru and undertake their analysis.

In 2012, he discovered that about 13,50,000 voter records (out of about 65,00,000) were deleted from these electoral rolls. Not receiving a favourable response from the Chief Electoral Officer of Karnataka and the Election Commission of India, a Public Interest Litigation was filed with the High Court of Karnataka, which directed the authorities to take corrective action.

This seemed to have incensed the authorities considerably. A new Chief Electoral Officer took over and the next version of the electoral rolls published in January 2013 was CAPTCHA-protected, making it more difficult to download. Undaunted, Mr. Bhat downloaded these and analysed them. In response, the documents were converted to image files and were re-published. Transparency was reversed.

Mr. Bhat lobbied with officials within the EC who were sympathetic to his approach. After protracted discussions with the Election Commissioners in Delhi, the transparency policy underwent a favourable U-turn. The electoral rolls were again published in text PDF format. However, the Chief Electoral Officer of Karnataka was unwilling to relent. Relying on the rationale that data security needed to be ensured, he averred that access to electoral rolls needed to be restricted.

In 2017, the Chief Electoral Officer again published the electoral rolls as image files. This time around, approaching the Election Commission did not bear results. In January 2018, the ECI mandated all the CEOs to publish the electoral rolls as image files.

 

The views are of the author and do not represent an institutional stand. 

T.R. Raghunandan is an Advisor at the Accountability Initiative. 


Also Read: E-Governance and Decentralisation

 

It is Time to Emphasise on Community Participation and Empower Panchayats: Interview with IAS Aditya Ranjan

The bureaucracy is considered to be the steel framework that makes the country’s development aspirations a reality, but little is understood in the public about the people behind the scenes. State Speak is an exclusive interview series by the Accountability Initiative featuring insights from IAS officers posted in India’s districts and other public officials who have a vantage point on how the country is being governed, related challenges and best practices.

In this interview, we spoke with Aditya Ranjan who serves as the Deputy Commissioner of Koderma district in Jharkhand. He is an IAS officer of the Jharkhand cadre, 2015 batch. Among other aspects of governance, he discusses the important role communities play.

 

Q. You have extensively worked on adult literacy, and have spoken about community participation; including the organisation of Gram Sabhas and Ratri Chaupals to bring a shift in people’s mindsets. 

What challenges have you faced as local administration in organising these? Also, what role do you see of community participation in longstanding development challenges that the country faces? 

Aditya Ranjan: There are multiple schemes which are being run by the government and most of the schemes actually talk of community involvement. But the real problem is that it is not happening on the ground. So what we did was a thorough orientation of the villages to create institutions like Ratri Chaupals and Gram Sabhas. The unity that we have created through these institutions has actually led to whatever has happened, be it in education or water conservation or otherwise. 

Taking the example of the adult literacy programme, it is in no way going to benefit anybody directly in the near future. Somebody who has never studied for 40-50 years, if they start [to learn] counting at the age of 50, there is no direct benefit per se. So, the answer to the question any scheme which is not going to directly benefit a person or a family cannot be successful without community participation because the very incentive of such schemes is overall improvement or development of the community. 

The mindset of the whole village or the whole district is more or less the same, as I have found it, with the previous three-four districts that I have worked in. People are frustrated with most of the institutions that we have created. But the kind of change that they start seeing in their lives through community participation or such institutions is fabulous and that keeps them going. 

There is a village called Bhedwa in Jainagar. When I met them in the second orientation, most of the villagers were elated by the very fact that nobody in their village was illiterate anymore. 


Q. And what do the Gram Sabhas and Ratri Chaupals look like?

Aditya Ranjan: According to the Panchayati Raj Act, all the adult members of the village are also members of the Gram Sabha. We conduct Gram Sabha in such tolas and revenue villages on a weekly basis, in which the presence of all the villagers is mandatory. 

For Ratri Chaupals, all the villagers sit after six or seven in the evening, depending on their timing, for an hour or so in chaupals to discuss short-term things that they can do the next day. For example, they’ll decide that tomorrow we will clean our Anganwadi or tomorrow we will plant 10 trees around the temple. They will do this the next day. These chaupals happen every day, wherein they discuss the progress of the task decided and plan the next day’s target.

After the chaupal ends, we tag the most-literate women in the village with two illiterate women. Similarly, one literate man is tagged with two illiterate men. For half an hour they sit together, so they can teach on a daily basis. In 10 to 15 days, they [the people who are illiterate] are able to write their names, and in a month they are able to do basic subtraction and addition. So this is what Ratri Chaupals looks like. 

What we have observed is that 70% to 90% of the attendees are women in Ratri Chaupals. Most women only participate in Ratri Chaupals and not the weekly Gram Sabhas, where men make the majority of attendees. 

There is also something called the Gram Kosh in which, on a weekly basis, every family deposits ₹10 and that money is used for all the activities that are going on in the village. Some villages, for instance, have purchased slates (chalkboards), while some villages have purchased paint brushes to paint their Anganwadi centres.


Q. On a different note, Koderma is famous for its mica and other minerals. Keeping in view sustainable development and India’s path on climate action, what are the kind of dilemmas that you are facing in administering the district and the use of its natural resources? 

Aditya Ranjan: Yes, Koderma is famous for mica, but 60% of the district, in terms of area, is covered by forest. That is the reason why all mining activities mining mica is a major mining activity are banned in Koderma and as of today, there is no mining legally happening in Koderma. The locals pick and sell the debris that is left after the mining of mica that took place between the period of 1970s and 2000s. This is done illegally. 

The biggest problem that I face as an administrator is that while I’m taking people in one direction towards livelihood, towards self reliance by providing them with agricultural training, layered farming, integrated farming, time and again, the contractors or the locals who are involved in these mica picking activities derail these efforts. We cannot take heavy administrative action against such picking, obviously, because you will find villages in which the whole village is involved in such activity. 

The best part is, however, that over a period of time, some of the villages have themselves stopped mica picking and they are also stopping others from picking mica debris. We have at least 50-60 such villages which have done this, because they realise it is something that is not going to be long-lasting and isn’t sustainable for the future. 


Q. Regions rich in natural resources often face a particular development problem wherein the resources are moved outside of the region, but the locals themselves do not prosper from this movement. What has been Koderma’s experience in terms of the prosperity of its people? 

Aditya Ranjan: This is one of the reasons why the locals have stopped the mica picking activities I had mentioned previously. When we go to these villages, we often ask them how long have they been picking mica? We get responses like 20 years, 30 years, 40 years. Then I ask them, so for the last 30-40 years you have been picking mica, how many of you have a mica factory? Nobody. How many of you export mica? Nobody. How many of you have got a good education because of mica? Nobody. 

How many of you have encountered contractors who have been making you pick mica, and have asked you what you need in the village a road or school or Anganwadi centre? Never. 

They have started to realise the same that they have been doing this for the last 30 years, and there have been so many outsiders who have been coming to the villages to pick mica. But once the supply ends, they just move on to the next village.

We are heavily suffering from resource curse in Koderma. We have families who have hundreds of acres of land, which they bought when they were mica miners, and we have poor people who have multiple issues related to education, health and more. 


Q. What alternative livelihood options are being offered to the people of Koderma?

Aditya Ranjan: We are majorly relying on agriculture and allied activities. We conducted a baseline survey in the villages, and are using the survey results. We are providing assistance, including training and materials, to families for one year. After one year, we will conduct a frontline assessment. 

There are many government schemes and we are trying to converge the state efforts to provide optimal benefits to the people here. For example, for those trying to engage in pottery, we are delivering benefits from JSLPS (Jharkhand State Livelihood Promotion Society). Similarly, if someone has goats but not a shed, we are trying to get a shed built for them through MGNREGS. But mostly, we are trying to do agriculture and allied activities in these villages. 


Q. What, as per you, will be the governance challenges that India will be looking at in the next ten years?

Aditya Ranjan: The way we are working is good, but more focus needs to be paid to community-led initiatives, because until and unless there is ownership, none of the schemes will work. We have seen how the Swachh Bharat Mission has worked in multiple places, and how it has failed in some places, and that is the way it is going to remain. 

It is time to emphasise on community participation and empower the Panchayats; and in a true sense, not by simply allotting functions, finances or functionalities. Orientation and training of the Panchayat Pratinidhis or villagers is highly important. We will see that most of these schemes will only be sanctioned if it is approved by the Gram Sabha. But the Gram Sabhas that are done for such schemes are usually not genuine. Only when the Gram Sabhas are truly empowered and functional, will there be true implementation of the schemes. 


Q. According to you, what will be the qualities and skills that an IAS officer will need in administering districts going forward? And what can be done to better support current public officials? 

Aditya Ranjan: The most important thing that I find missing in our training, currently, is that even though we do Bharat Darshan during the training, there should be exposure visits to different sectors. The major problem which IAS officers face is that of huge ‘gearshifts’. Today I’m in rural development, tomorrow I will be in urban development, and the day after tomorrow I will be in finance. 

Tomorrow, if I start working in urban development, I should see some good urban centres that have been developed in India, so that I can understand and replicate it in our places. There should be a one-week orientation, training and exposure programme before getting posted or during mid-career. 

Without this, people are forced to act upon their previous understanding and knowledge. Those who are not able to understand the new context are not able to perform the way they can if they are exposed to existing models.

IAS Aditya Ranjan

This interview has been edited for length and clarity. 

The opinions expressed are personal and do not represent an institutional stand.

Transcription by Prateek Gupta.


Read more State Speak interviews here.

पॉलिसी बझ

हे पॉलिसी बझ तुम्हाला विविध कल्याणकारी योजनांमध्ये काय चालले आहे याविषयी दर 15 दिवसांनी विशेष बातम्या अपडेट करते.

धोरण बातम्या 

  1. पोस्ट डिव्होल्यूशन रेव्हेन्यू डेफिसिट (PDRD) अनुदानाचा 7 वा मासिक हप्ता ₹7,183.42 कोटी खर्च विभाग, मंत्रालयाने जारी केला आहे.
  2. कामगार, वस्त्रोद्योग आणि रोजगार या संसदीय स्थायी समितीने प्रधानमंत्री कौशल विकास योजना (PMKVY) च्या अंमलबजावणीबाबत चिंता व्यक्त केली आहे.
  3. ‘मेक इन इंडिया’ कार्यक्रमाला आठ वर्षे पूर्ण झाली आहेत.
  4. सार्वजनिक क्षेत्रातील उपक्रम (PSUs) ज्यांच्याकडे जमिनीच्या बँका आहेत परंतु केंद्राकडून फारच कमी व्यवसाय ओळखले जात आहेत.
  5. उपजीविकेच्या संधी निर्माण करण्याऐवजी ग्रामीण पायाभूत सुविधा निर्माण करण्यासाठी काही राज्यांकडून मनरेगा निधीचा दुरुपयोग केंद्राद्वारे ग्रीन सिग्नल.

आरोग्य आणि पोषण

  1. प्रधानमंत्री गरीब कल्याण अन्न योजना (PMGKAY) तीन महिन्यांसाठी म्हणजे डिसेंबर 2022 पर्यंत वाढवण्यात आली आहे. भारतातील अन्न अनुदानाबद्दल आमच्या बजेटच्या संक्षिप्त माहितीसह येथे वाचा.
  2. प्रति बालक माध्यान्ह भोजनाचा स्वयंपाक खर्च 9.6 टक्क्यांनी वाढणार आहे.
  3. मेडिकल टर्मिनेशन ऑफ प्रेग्नन्सी (MTP) कायद्यान्वये, सुरक्षित आणि कायदेशीर गर्भपाताचा अधिकार सर्व महिलांना सर्वोच्च न्यायालयाने दिला आहे.
  4. राष्ट्रीय आरोग्य अभियान (NHM) अंतर्गत आर्थिक वर्ष 2020-21 मध्ये झालेल्या प्रगतीची माहिती केंद्रीय मंत्रिमंडळाला देण्यात आली. NHM वर आमचा अर्थसंकल्प संक्षेप येथे वाचा.

शिक्षण

  1. युवा 2.0 – तरुण लेखकांना मार्गदर्शन करण्यासाठी पंतप्रधान योजना शिक्षण मंत्रालयाने सुरू केली आहे.
  2. दिल्ली सरकारने जारी केलेल्या मार्गदर्शक तत्त्वांनुसार 2023-34 पासून 3 ते 8 वीच्या वर्गांसाठी नियमित परीक्षा आणि मूल्यांकन मार्गदर्शक तत्त्वांचा नवीन संच लागू केला जाईल. इयत्ता 5 आणि 8 वीच्या विद्यार्थ्यांसाठी सरकार आपले नो डिटेन्शन धोरण मागे घेणार आहे.
  3. भारतस्कील्स फोरम, एक डिजिटल ज्ञान-शेअरिंग प्लॅटफॉर्म, प्रशिक्षण महासंचालनालयाने (DGT) लाँच केले आहे.
  4. ‘साइन लर्न’ हे भारतीय सांकेतिक भाषेचे मोबाइल अॅप्लिकेशन केंद्राने सुरू केले आहे.
  5. वर्ल्ड इकॉनॉमिक फोरमने ‘एज्युकेशन 4.0 इंडिया रिपोर्ट’ प्रसिद्ध केला. येथे संपूर्ण अहवाल वाचा.

स्वच्छता

  1. जलशक्ती मंत्रालयाने घरगुती टॅप कनेक्शन-2022 चे कार्यक्षमतेचे मूल्यांकन हाती घेतले होते. जल जीवन मिशनच्या प्रगतीबद्दल आमच्या अर्थसंकल्पाच्या संक्षिप्त माहितीसह येथे वाचा.
  2. गृहनिर्माण आणि शहरी व्यवहार मंत्रालयाने स्वच्छ सर्वेक्षण सर्वे 2022 चे निकाल जाहीर केले.
  3. जलदूत अॅप ग्रामीण विकास मंत्रालयाने लाँच केले. हे अॅप्लिकेशन देशभरातील गावांमधील निवडक विहिरींच्या पाण्याची पातळी कॅप्चर करेल.

इतर बातम्या

  1. सेंट्रल बँक डिजिटल करन्सीवरील संकल्पना नोट भारतीय रिझर्व्ह बँकेने जारी केली आहे.
  2. हिंदू, शीख आणि बौद्ध धर्म सोडून इतर धर्म स्वीकारलेल्या दलितांना अनुसूचित जाती (SC) दर्जा वाढवण्याच्या शक्यतेचा अभ्यास करण्यासाठी केंद्रीय मंत्रिमंडळाने एक आयोग नेमला आहे.
  3. जागतिक बँकेने ‘गरिबी आणि सामायिक समृद्धी 2022: करेक्टिंग द कोर्स’ या शीर्षकाचा अहवाल प्रसिद्ध केला. येथे संपूर्ण अहवाल वाचा.

हा लेख पॉलिसी बझच्या इंग्रजी आवृत्तीवर आधारित आहे जो 10 ऑक्टोबर 2022 रोजी प्रकाशित झाला.